Saturday, June 30, 2012

Սամվել Կարապետյանը ՊԱՏՌՈՒՄ Է եկեղեցու դիմակը

NATO Member Turkey Harboring Terrorist Army


http://www.infowars.com/nato-member-turkey-harboring-terrorist-army/



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Tony Cartalucci
Infowars.com
Friday, June 29, 2012
After losing a fighter jet earlier this month while conducting a high-speed, low altitude invasion of Syria’s airspace, Turkey has now pledged to treat any Syrian operation along its borders as a military threat.

“Turkey’s warning could tilt the dynamic along the border, which has become an incubator for Syrian antigovernment rebels who are seeking increased levels of international support. Turkey’s pledge to respond to aggression from Syrian forces could help the rebel Free Syrian Army by deterring Syrian forces from attacking—or else result in Turkish retaliation for cross-border attacks on rebels,” reported the Wall Street Journal in their article, “Turkey Warns of Retaliation Against Syria.” This encapsulates the brazen warping of logic applied by NATO aggressors as they seek to perpetuate the bloodbath and destabilization caused by their own proxy forces, primarily harbored, armed, and deployed from NATO member Turkey.
Syrian Rebels are Al Qaeda Terrorists
By US officials’ own admissions, since 2007 a combined US-Israeli-Saudi effort to assemble and deploy against Syria and Iran an army of sectarian extremists drawn from the ranks of Al Qaeda and its affiliates has been underway. In Seymour Hersh’s 2007 New Yorker article, “The Redirection,” he reported, “The U.S. has also taken part in clandestine operations aimed at Iran and its ally Syria. A by-product of these activities has been the bolstering of Sunni extremist groups that espouse a militant vision of Islam and are hostile to America and sympathetic to Al Qaeda.”
Within Hersh’s report, not only is this army of fanatical terrorists described as being fully backed by the West in order to create a sectarian bloodbath to be used to achieve Western foreign policy objectives, but it was fully anticipated that this army would commit abhorrent atrocities, particularly against ethnic and religious minorities throughout the region. In particular former CIA agent Robert Baer in Lebanon warned about the fate of Christians located in the region.
Today, Baer’s warning has manifested itself in a genocidal campaign against Syria’s Christians increasingly more difficult for the Western media to hide. This is confirmed by LA Times’ “Church fears ‘ethnic cleansing’ of Christians in Homs, Syria,” and more recently in USA Today’s distorted, but still telling, “Christians in Syria live in uneasy alliance with Assad, Alawites.”
Also mentioned was the Syrian chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood, who by 2007 was already receiving significant backing from the West and Israel to destabilize Syria – despite its feigned anti-Western, anti-Israeli rhetoric.

As clandestine military operations became larger in scale and more difficult for the complicit Western media to obfuscate, it was announced that hundreds of fighters as well as torrents of weapons and cash began flowing into Syria from NATO-armed terrorists in Libya. The Al Qaeda affiliated Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) (a US State Department listed terrorist organization - #28) led by Abdul Hakim Belhaj, spearheaded efforts to bolster what is essentially a foreign terrorist operation in Syria beginning as early as November 2011,according to the London Telegraph.
After Belhaj’s visit to the Turkish-Syrian border and his pledge to send cash, weapons, and fighters, up to 600 Libyan terrorists were reported to have made the journey to Syria to join the fighting. At least one ship flush with weapons from Libya was interdicted by Lebanon on its way to rebels’ hands in Syria.
In addition to LIFG terrorists admittedly entwined with the so-called “Free Syrian Army” (FSA), more recent reports indicate that Iraqi terrorists have also joined their ranks. Reuters in their article, “Outgunned Syria rebels make shift to bombs,” admit that not only is the FSA conducting a terrorist bombing campaign against the people of Syria, but that it is facilitated by rebels who “fought with Al Qaeda elements in Iraq” and learned their bombing skills while attacking both sectarian Iraqi targets as well as Western troops.
Ironic indeed, that the US in particular is backing entirely terrorist forces that thousands of Americans have shed their blood allegedly fighting in the “War on Terror.” It appears that Al Qaeda, admittedly a creation of the CIA in the 1980′s to draw in and fight Soviets in Afghanistan, is still patronized by the West and used as both a convenient casus belli as well as a terrorist proxy force against enemies of Western foreign policy.
Turkey is Helping
According to the New York Times, “a small number of C.I.A. officers are operating secretly in southern Turkey, helping allies decide which Syrian opposition fighters across the border will receive arms to fight the Syrian government, according to American officials and Arab intelligence officers.” While the Times article attempts but fails to allay fears that the FSA is in fact a terrorist front, the real significance of the article is that it confirms Turkey is serving as a willing conduit to harbor, arm, and deploy terrorist forces against neighboring Syria – a crime against world peace.
The Gulf States, which provided the bulk of the “hijackers” allegedly behind the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, are now the primary weapons and cash suppliers for the FSA, with Saudi Arabia leading the way – as Seymour Hersh reported they would be in 2007. These weapons, according to the UK Independent, are being transferred to terrorists via Turkey. It is also reported that the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood then distributes the weapons once they make their way into Syria – belying the narrative that the unrest is anything but an foreign-facilitated extremist terror campaign.
Perhaps most disturbing is a report published by Michael Weiss of the Neo-Con corporate-financier funded (beginning on page 18, .pdf) Henry Jackson Society, titled, “Syrian rebels say Turkey is arming and training them.” In the report, Weiss claims that, “rebel sources in Hatay told me last night that not only is Turkey supplying light arms to select battalion commanders, it is also training Syrians in Istanbul. Men from the unit I was embedded with were vetted and called up by Turkish intelligence in the last few days and large consignments of AK-47s are being delivered by the Turkish military to the Syrian-Turkish border.”
Weiss can hardly be considered a reliable source, and is just as likely fabricating his entire narrative for the purpose of psychologically targeting Syria. However, Turkey has made no attempts to refute such claims, made more frequently and by an increasing number of sources. Turkey is admittedly serving as a conduit for weapons, and is most likely participating in a more direct role to train, arm, fund, and support terrorists operating along the Turkish-Syrian border.
And despite all of this, the United Nations has remained mute over these transgressions, acts of war, and crimes against world peace. While it feigns outrage over the violence in Syria, it has failed categorically to identify the driving forces behind it – namely the unending torrent of weapons, cash, and foreign fighters flowing over Syria’s borders – supplied by NATO and its Gulf State partners.
Turkey Plays Pivotal Role in Psychologically Breaking Syria
Turkey is clearly harboring a terrorist front within its borders and facilitating their violent-subversive actives within Syrian borders. While the US and NATO hypocritically use a similar narrative to justify cross-border raids into Pakistan, it is attempting to tie Syria’s hands from even operating up to and along its own border to stem very real, admitted terrorist networks maintained by NATO and their Gulf State partners.
The goal of NATO is to create enough chaos in Syria, long enough, to shake the Syrian people’s faith in their government and their armed forces by dividing and destroying Syria’s national institutions. Just as in Libya, such divisions brought on by unwarranted panic will accelerate, not stem the violence. The stated goal by Western policy makers is to create divisions, doubt, and defections – and they are trying to achieve this through a combination of propaganda, economic sanctions, and overt Western-backed terrorism. They pursue this course of action because a full-scale military operation is untenable, as is the prospect of their terrorist proxies achieving any meaningful tactical victory. Syria, by remaining united and exhibiting perseverance will defeat NATO aggression.
Libya proves that capitulation is not an option, with sectarian genocide the result, subjecting capitulators, defectors, and even NATO’s hand-picked proxies to post-Qaddafi violence and mayhem. There is no option but to continue resisting.

Նոր Կտակարան





Sunday, June 24, 2012

The Jewish Roots of Socialism


Source: http://laveritablenaturedujudaisme.blogspot.be/2012/06/jewish-roots-of-socialism.html




Introduction
The words socialism and socialist were first used about the year 1830 but the origin of the ideas which led to the establishment of the modern labor movement goes back to the time of the French Revolution. For a variety of reasons Jews were attracted to socialism as it developed in Western Europe. Some regarded it as the building of a "just society" based on the teachings of the Bible and the Prophets, while others were attracted by its revolutionary nature. Thus, while some Jews saw socialism as a reply to antisemitism, there were also Jews who saw in it a way of getting rid of their Jewish heritage and serving the cause of the "Brotherhood of Man." Socialism was particularly attractive for Jews anxious to leave the ghetto behind them and who, disappointed with the slow progress of 19th-century liberalism, were keen to embrace a new universal faith.
France
The forerunners of modern socialism were two Frenchmen (members of the secret society Masonic Illuminati Carbonari), Count Henry Claude de Rouvroy de Saint-Simon (1760–1825; Saint-Simonism) and Charles Fourier(1772–1837). Saint-Simon was impressed by Jewish messianic ideals and, referring to the persecution of the Jews, wrote that he looked forward to the time when all men would be brothers. Two of his Masonic followers, Barthélemy Prosper Enfantin (1796–1864 and son of a banker) and Armand Bazard (1791–1832), considered the *emancipation of the Jews as being one of the preconditions for the liberation of humanityThey believed that Jewish monotheism foreshadowed the approaching unity of mankind and their supporters included many French Jews, among them the poet Léon *Halévy, the bankers Émile and Isaac *Péreire, and the financier Olinde Rodrigues (1794–1851).On the other hand, Charles Fourier identified Jews with capitalism and opposed their emancipation on the grounds that they were "parasites, merchants, usurers." Nevertheless, in his last writings he argued that the Jews should be helped to escape from persecution in Europe by returning to Palestine and once more become a recognized nation with their own king, their own flag, their own consuls, and their own currency. A number of Fourier's followers were Jews who rejected their master's antisemitism. Thus Alexander Weil wrote in 1845 that it was unfair to blame one section of the population for what he regarded as the iniquities of Catholicism and capitalism. He also described the serious condition of the Jews in Eastern Europe, in order to draw the attention of the public to their plight. Similarly, Jean Czynsky, a Polish refugee of Jewish origin, wrote that freedom for Poland and the emancipation of Polish Jews were concepts for which all socialists must strive.
Great Britain
The early development of socialism in Britain at the beginning of the 19thcentury had little to do with the Jews, who numbered only 20,000 in the country. Nevertheless, Robert Owen (1771–1858), "the father of British socialism," actively campaigned for equality for the Jews and in 1830 submitted a petition to the House of Commons urging the abolition of religious disabilities. His example was followed by a number of leaders of the Chartist movement. Jews first became prominent in British socialism in the latter half of the 19th century and in May 1876 the *Aguddat ha-Soyalistim ha-Ivrim was formed in London, its founders including A.S. *Liebermann and Lazar *Goldenberg. German radical groups were also active in London and largely influenced the ideology of Jewish socialists in Britain. They kept in contact with the Russian revolutionary Peter Lavrov (1823–1900), who published the socialist organ, Vpered, in London. Toward the end of the 19th century an increasingly large number of Russian Jews became active in British socialism. Theodor Rothstein was a leader of the Marxist Social Democratic Federation, founded by H.M. Hyndman in 1884. Rothstein, who was shocked by an antisemitic outburst by Hyndman, later played an important part at the congress of the Russian Social Democratic Party in London in 1907, and after the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917 was their unofficial representative in London. Later he helped found the British Communist Party, in which his son Andrew Rothstein was a prominent figure for many years. He was anti-Zionist, as were Joe Finberg, and Boris and Zelda Kahn, all refugees from Russia who played a major part in the British socialist movement. An outstanding figure of the British socialist movement was Eleanor Marx-Aveling (1855–1898), Karl Marx's youngest daughter, who felt a close affinity with the Jewish people and affirmed that "my happiest moments are when I am in the East End of London amid Jewish workpeople."
Germany
In Germany, many of the pioneers of socialism were Jewish. Among them was Moses *Hess, whose study Die Philosophic der Tat ("The Philosophy of Action"), linked the ideas of the German philosophical school with the concept of historical materialism on which communism was based. Hess largely influenced the thinking of Karl *Marx and Friedrich Engels but differed from them in that his brand of socialism was based upon ethical concepts. The course of socialism in Germany, however, was dominated not by Hess but by Marx and Ferdinand *Lassalle, the former as the founder of the school of economic materialism and the latter as the father of German Social Democracy. But while Marx was the great theoretician who set out to revolutionize international politics, Lassalle (a jew) was the political strategist who brought socialism into German political life. Both showed a marked hostility to Judaism. On the other hand, Marx's non-Jewish colleague Friedrich Engels, who at first equated Jews with capitalists, later took a stand against antisemitism which he described as the weapon of the German governing class.
The First International
A number of Jews became prominent during the 19th century in the International Working Men's Association, formed in 1864 by Marx and Engels, which became known as the First International. Among them were several French Jews, including E.E. Fribourg, an opponent of Marx, who was a disciple of the non-Jewish anarchist writer Pierre *Proudhon (1809–1865). Fribourg advocated membership in the association only to people engaged in physical work, a move against Marx, whereas Lazare Lévy, another leading member of the French section of the First International, was a strong supporter of Karl Marx. Jews were also prominent in the workers' uprising in the Paris Commune in March 1871, one of the leaders being Léo *Frankel.
The Second International
The Second International set up at the Paris Congress of 1889 was largely dominated by German socialists, whose delegates represented a strong socialist party in effective control of the trade unions. They included August Bebel, William Liebknecht, Clara Zetkin, and Eduard *Bernstein, the son of a Jewish worker, who had a profound influence on the development of socialism in Germany and elsewhere. Bernstein combined Marxist ideology with British pragmatism in a concept which became known as "Revisionism." He considered assimilation the best solution to the Jewish problem but Jewish suffering in World War I made him a supporter of Jewish settlement in Palestine and of *Po'alei Zion. His non-Jewish colleague August Bebel was also sympathetic to the Jewish cause, describing antisemitism as "socialism of the fools," and, while there were antisemites among the German socialists, the party was committed to fight against discrimination. By 1912 there were 12 Jews among the 100 Social Democrats in the German Parliament. Many other Jews were prominent in the party, the majority of them favoring assimilation, especially after Karl Kautsky's book, Race and Judaism, was published in 1914. Most members of the Social Democratic Party were hostile to Zionism, as was the party organ Die Neue Zeit, but the Revisionists showed understanding of the labor Zionist cause and their newspaper Sozialistische Monatshefte, edited by Joseph *Bloch, was pro-Zionist. In Austria, many prominent figures in the Socialist Party were Jews, among them Victor *Adler, Friedrich Adler, Otto *Bauer, Max *Adler, Hugo *Breitner, and William *Ellenbogen. They all supported assimilation and opposed Jewish national aspirations. In particular, Otto Bauer's work Die Nationalitaetenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (1907), which denied that the Jews were a separate nationality, had considerable influence in socialist circles. On the whole, Jewish socialists in Austria avoided discussion of the Jewish question and were hostile to Zionism, but a notable exception was Julius *Braunthal, who supported the labor Zionist movement.
1914–1939
During World War I several Jewish socialists were among the most outspoken critics of the war, among them Rosa *Luxemburg and Hugo *Haase in Germany, Friedrich *Adler in Austria, Julius *Martov and Lev (Leon) *Trotsky from Russia, and Angelica Balabanov in Italy. In the chaotic conditions after World War I, Jewish socialists held top cabinet posts in socialist administrations in Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Russia. Thus Haase and O. *Landsberg joined the German provisional government following the collapse of imperial Germany, Hugo *Preuss became minister of the interior in the Weimar Republic, Paul Hirsch (1868–1938) was prime minister of Prussia, Kurt Rosenfeld was Prussian minister of justice, and Kurt *Eisner was prime minister of "Soviet" Bavaria. In Austria, Victor Adler, Otto Bauer – who became foreign minister – and Friedrich Adler all played a major part in the Austrian revolution of 1918, and following the Hungarian revolution of 1919 Bela *Kun became dictator in a "Soviet" Hungarian government containing 14 Jewish commissars. In Russia, many Jews held senior posts in the first Bolshevik administration and the Communist Party (see *Communism; *Russia).
Between 1918 and 1939 individual Jewish socialists held prominent positions in several European countries, but their importance tended to be exaggerated by antisemites. Thus in Germany, the Nazis represented the few Jewish socialists as having far greater influence than they actually had. In Austria, Otto Bauer was foreign minister from 1919 to 1920, Oscar Pollak was editor of the party organ Arbeiter-Zeitung, and Matilda Pollak was leader of the Social Democratic women. Léon *Blum was prime minister of France and Jules *Moch was minister of public works. In Czechoslovakia Ludwig *Czech was minister of social welfare, while in Holland Saloman Rodrigues de *Miranda was minister of housing, and in Britain Emanuel *Shinwell was secretary of mines. The socialist movement in continental Europe gradually weakened as the pace of the Nazi advance increased.
After the outbreak of World War II, socialist parties survived only in Britain, Sweden, and Switzerland. Most of the socialist refugees fled to England, where the British Labor Party took the initiative in convening regular meetings to discuss matters of common concern. Among them were several Jewish socialists, including Oscar Pollak and Karl Czernitz from Austria and Claudio Treves from Italy.
Post-World War II
After World War II, Jews continued to be prominent in the socialist movements of France and Great Britain. In France, Léon Blum, Jules Moch, Pierre *Mendes-France, and Daniel *Mayer emerged as leading French socialists and all held posts in French coalition governments. All four were active in Jewish affairs and supporters of the State of Israel. In Britain, Jewish participation in the Labor movement considerably increased in the postwar years. There were four Jewish cabinet ministers in the Labor government of 1945–51: Emanuel Shinwell, Harry *Nathan, Lewis *Silkin, and George *Strauss, and the Labor government of 1964–70 at various times included Jews in senior or junior offices, among them Austen Albu (1903–1994), John *Diamond, Harold *Lever, Reginald Freeson (1926– ), Baroness Serota, Edmund Dell (1921–1999), and John *Silkin. In addition, Harold *Laski was chairman of the Labor Party from 1945 to 1946, Emanuel Shinwell was chairman of the Parliamentary Labor Party and Ian Mikardo (1908–1993), Frank Allaun (1913–2002), and Sydney *Silverman were members of the Labor Party national executive. One particularly noticeable feature of the growth of Jewish participation in the Labor movement was the sharp increase in the number of Jewish Labor members of Parliament, from four in 1935 to 26 in 1945, around 36 in 1966, and 30 in 1970. Many of the Jews prominent in the Labor Party were associated with the British Po'alei Zion and a Zionist group formed in 1956 called Labor Friends of Israel.
In the British Commonwealth, too, Jews have played an increasingly important part in socialist politics. In Canada a number of Jews were actively associated with the leadership of the socialist New Democratic Party formed in 1961. The most prominent of them was David *Lewis – leader of the parliamentary party. Other Jewish MPs representing the NDP were Max Saltsman (Toronto) and David *Orlikow (Winnipeg). In Manitoba, five Jews were members of the Provincial Legislature: Saul Cherniak, C. Gonick, Sidney Green, Saul Miller, and Sidney Spivak. In British Columbia, too, a number of Jews were prominent in the party, but not in Montreal where the NDP was, generally, a weak body. While the Canadian Labor Zionist movement was not affiliated to the party, there was close cooperation in a number of provinces. Leading personalities of the NDP, which is a member of the Socialist International, visited Israel and showed a friendly attitude to its socialist party. The Canadian Congress, formed in 1956, had a close association both with the Histadrut in Israel and local Jewish labor bodies. In Australia, too, Jews played an increasingly active part in socialist politics. Sidney Einfeld and Senator Sam *Cohen were Labor Party parliamentarians for a number of years. In 1969, three Jewish socialist candidates were elected to the Australian House of Representatives: Joe Berison (Perth), Moses Cass (Melbourne), and Barry Cohen (Robertson Constituency – near Sydney). In 2005, the only Jewish member of the Australian Parliament was the Labor MP Michael *Danby. In recent decades the participation of Jews in left-of-center parties has probably declined sharply, while socialism as a viable ideology would seem to be a thing of the past. The movement of most Jews into the upper middle class, the diminution of right-wing antisemitism, and, above all, the hostility of much of the extreme left to Israel's post-1967 policies, have made it difficult for many Jews to identify as socialists in the old sense. Events such as the end of the Soviet Union in 1991 have also made it difficult for many to see what socialism might be like in the 21st century, especially any such ideology entailing widespread nationalization or sympathy for the radical enemies of Israel.
While many Jews, especially in the United States, remain committed to the value system of liberalism, it would seem clear that the engagement of the Jewish people with socialism is increasingly a thing of the past.
By contrast, the Holocaust and the Communist takeover in part of Europe reduced the Jewish participation in socialist politics to a mere fraction of what it had been before 1939. Nevertheless, a small number of Jews held important posts in European socialist parties after 1945, among them Ludwig *Rosenberg, who was president of the German Confederation of Trade Unions, Siegfried Aufhauser (1884–1962), president of the German Federation of Labor in Berlin, Bruno *Kreisky, who in 1970 became chancellor of Austria, and Karl Czernetz, who was international secretary of the Austrian Social Democratic Party.
Eastern Europe
RUSSIA
Socialism developed in Russia later than in Western Europe, in the second half of the 19th century. The death of Nicholas I and the accession of Alexander II in 1855 led to the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and a relaxation of the repressive regime. Jews became less isolated from the general stream of Russian public life, and the number of Jewish children in Russian secondary schools rose from 8 to 2,362 between 1840 and 1872. Many Jewish socialists came from traditional homes and were influenced by the writings of Russian philosophers, whose works they studied at secondary schools. They were largely in favor of assimilation, since they regarded Judaism as obsolete and believed that Jewish emancipation would come about through the liberalization of the Russian people with whom the Jews should integrate. Thus, most of the early Jewish socialists regarded the growth of Russian socialism as more important than Jewish emancipation. Many young Jews chose to join the revolutionaries and "go to the people." A number of Jewish socialists converted to Christianity to facilitate their activities among the people, while Jewish women socialists became estranged from Judaism by marriage to non-Jewish revolutionaries. Though the persecution of Jews was an important motivating force in bringing Jews into the revolutionary camp, the pogroms of 1881 came as a great shock to many Jewish revolutionaries. Particularly disappointing were the antisemitic trends in the Populist movement and the indifference of non-Jewish revolutionaries to violent outbreaks against Jews. In addition Jewish socialists who neglected their own people because they believed them to be tradesmen and middlemen discovered the existence of Jewish workers who were facing oppression and social exploitation.
Some of the first Jewish socialists were prominent in revolutionary uprisings outside the borders of Russia. Robert Feinberg fought in the German revolution of 1848 and was later deported to Siberia, where he died, and Nicolai Utin, son of a rich Jewish contractor, was a liaison officer for the Polish revolutionaries in 1863. Utin fled to Germany, where he became a colleague of Karl Marx and established the Russian section of the First International. However, others were prominent in the ideological movements of the 1860s and 1870s which grew up in the wake of the acute poverty of the Jews. Marc Natanson (1849–1920), son of a Jewish merchant from Grodno, was the organizer of the Zemlya i Volya ("Land and Liberty") group from which emerged some of the famous non-Jewish revolutionary figures, such as Prince Peter Kropotkin, Vera Zasulich, and Georg Plekhanov. Joseph Aptekman (1850) and Lev Deitsch (1855–1941) were leaders of the Narodniki (Populists), a movement which developed among the intelligentsia to redress the injustices done to the Russian peasants. The revolutionaries dressed like peasants and lived with the peasants in the countryside. They soon exposed themselves to ridicule and many were arrested and imprisoned. The failure of the Populists led the revolutionaries to attempt fresh measures. In 1878 the terrorist group known as the Narodnaya Volya ("People's Will") was formed to combat oppression by violence. A number of Jews joined the organization. Many were made desperate by their increasing poverty resulting from the emancipation of the serfs, which enabled the latter to enter trades which had previously been mostly occupied by Jews. Several Jewish members of the Narodnaya Volya were captured and executed, among them Aaron Gobet, who had participated in a plot to assassinate Czar Alexander II in 1879, Solomon Wittenberg, Meir Mlodetsky, a yeshivah student from Slutsk, and Grigori Goldenberg (1855–1880), who committed suicide in the fortress of Petropavlovsk after being arrested for assassinating the governor-general of Kharkov. Other Jewish revolutionaries included Aaron Zundelevich (1850–1923) and Saveli Zlatopolsky, who were members of the executive committee of Narodnaya Volya. The assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881 led to a reign of terror against the revolutionaries, but the latter continued to work against the regime and many joined the underground socialist organizations that sprang up toward the end of the 19th century.
Jews were exceptionally prominent in the Social Democratic movement and some eventually became leaders of the Russian Social Democratic Party, such as Julius Martov and Lev Trotsky. Others were active in Jewish workers' groups which united in 1897 as the *Bund and by 1904 numbered 23,000 Jews from Lithuania, Russia, and Poland. The Bund and the Russian Social Democrats were united in their opposition to Zionism, but while the Social Democrats insisted that the Jews should assimilate with the general Russian population, the Bund campaigned for recognition of a separate Jewish nationality within a federation of nationalities. After the 1903 split in the Social Democratic Party into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, some Jewish members of the two groups were particularly vociferous in their opposition to Jewish national aspirations. The Bolsheviks argued that the revolution would solve the Jewish question by giving Jews complete equality and thus lead to their assimilation with the rest of the population.
A third organization in which Jews of Russia played a prominent part was the Russian Social Revolutionary Party formed in Switzerland in 1901. A successor party to the terrorist Narodnaya Volya, the party advocated agrarian reform by violence and the establishment of a Russian federation. Among the forerunners of the movement were Chaim *Zhitlowsky, who later settled in the United States, Mendel Rosenbaum, who immigrated to Israel, and Charles *Rappoport, who became an important figure in the French Communist Party. The movement included a terrorist "fighting organization" in which Mikhail Gots (1866–1906), Abraham Gots (1882–1937), Grigori *Gershuni, and Yevno *Azeff were prominent. Unlike the Social Democratic Party, they were not hostile to Zionism and did not actively struggle for assimilationism. The ultimate success of the Bolsheviks under *Lenin eventually brought about the end of Jewish participation in the socialist movement in Russia. Those Jewish socialists who were opposed to the Bolsheviks were forced to go into exile, and while many other Jews held prominent positions in the Communist Party, they were ultimately purged from the party hierarchy either between 1936 and 1939 or between 1948 and 1953.
POLAND AND ROMANIA
In Poland, Jews were among the pioneers of the socialist movement in the latter part of the 19th century. The first socialist group, Proletariat, was an underground organization responsible for numerous workers' strikes. It included a number of Jews, among them Zigmund Dering and Szymon *Dickstein. Proletariat gave way to the Social Democratic Party (SDKP), a Marxist party which rejected Polish independence and advocated partnership with the Russian socialist movement. Among its leading members were Rosa Luxemburg, Leo Yogiches and Adolf *Warski-Warshawski, all of whom opposed the Bund and the nationalist Polish Socialist Party (PPS). Nevertheless, the Bund and the PPS attracted considerable support from prominent Jewish socialists such as Herman *Diamand, Herman *Liebermann, and Boleslaw *Drobner. In Romania, too, Jews were among the founders of the socialist movement. Thus Constantin Gherea-Dobrogeanu (1855–1920) organized a peasants' revolutionary group in Russia and later settled in Romania, where he advocated universal suffrage. The Romanian Socialist Party was largely antisemitic, however, and when the Jewish Social Democratic group, Lamina, submitted a memorandum to the international Socialist Congress (1896) on the plight of the Jews in Romania, the Romanian socialists defended their party's inimical attitude to the Jewish question. The New Social Democratic Party formed in 1910 urged equality for the Jews but had little influence on the reactionary governments of Romania during the first half of the century.
[Schneier Zalman Levenberg]
United States
Jews played little part in the brand of American socialism which derived from agrarian and populist discontent with the social order. Nor did they appear in the numerous short-lived utopian communities which sprang up early in the 20th century or in the proletarian constituency of the revolutionary syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World which flourished from about 1908 to 1920. The role of Jews in American socialism lay within the urban, industrial environment where the movement had its main strength, and whose ideology was more or less Marxist. They were most prominent in the American Socialist Party from about 1915 until the 1930s, the period when ethnic minorities generally played a key role in the socialist movement. Socialism developed among industrial workers and intellectuals during the 1870s, when the Socialist Labor Party was founded (1877) with one of its strongest bases in the largely Jewish International Cigar Makers Union. Adolph Strasser (1844–1939), a leader of that union, had been secretary of its predecessor, the Social Democratic Party, in 1874. However, he and Samuel *Gompers, also a cigar maker, as founders and leaders of the American Federation of Labor (1886), firmly led it away from socialist involvements and toward "pure and simple" trade unionism. During the 1880s, Jews were among the leaders of short-lived municipal labor or socialist parties in such cities as Detroit, Milwaukee, and New York. After 1890, the Socialist Labor Party was dominated by Daniel *De Leon who maintained the SLP's doctrinal purity by expelling all dissenters and losing practically all influence in the socialist and trade-union movements.
American socialism reached its climactic years between 1900 and 1920. Although Eugene V. Debs was the party's orator, presidential candidate, and moral symbol, its real leaders were Victor *Berger, the first Socialist Party congressman, and Morris *Hillquit. Louis Boudin was a leading Marxist scholar and theoretician. One socialist stronghold was the Jewish labor movement which had begun among East European immigrant proletarians during the 1880s. Their weak, unstable unions were fervently socialist and revolutionary in temper. After 1910, trade unionism, which was overwhelmingly Jewish in membership and leadership, won control of labor conditions in the garment industry by means of a series of dramatic strikes. The International Ladies Garment Workers Union and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America remained explicitly socialist, but the revolutionary content of their socialism was relegated to rhetorical flourishes about a vague, ultimate end. The unions' socialist activity emphasized the creation of a comradely environment for their members, who included perhaps 200,000 Jews. The tone of Yiddish-speaking fraternal orders, literature, and theater was also socialist. Abe *Cahan's prosperous *Jewish Daily Forward, with a maximum circulation of about 150,000 in 1917, wielded great influence, and the monthly *Zukunft was a notable organ of socialist letters. It was the Jewish East Side which sent the Socialist Party's Mayer *London to Congress in 1914 for the first of three terms, and elected socialists to the state legislature.
Although the Socialist Party had a very high proportion of Jews among its followers and leaders, it took no position on Jewish problems as such. Its general view was that Jewish problems did not exist, being imaginary constructs to divert attention from the true problems of all oppressed. Thus, Jews would achieve a full and final solution with the ultimate social revolution. The existence of the Jews as a people, it was tacitly assumed, might then end. American socialism had nativist elements who pushed it into an anti-immigration policy for several years after 1908, but perceptible antisemitism such as in some European socialist movements did not exist. Nevertheless, it was charged that some of the opposition in 1932 to Hillquit's leadership was antisemitic. In 1908 a Jewish Agitation Bureau was established in order to spread socialism among Yiddish-speaking Jews. Stimulated by immigrants with experience in the East European Bund, the Bureau developed into the Jewish Socialist Federation (JSF) from 1912, over strong opposition from Abe Cahan and other Yiddish-speaking stalwarts opposed to such "separatism." Actually the JSF disavowed any distinct Jewish purpose and attempted only to spread socialism, while it vigorously combated Zionism. Its membership was drawn mainly from immigrants of Bundist background. American socialism was greatly weakened by its opposition to American entry into World War I and by the Communist split in 1919. Among Jews it remained strong, although racked by savage quarrels with Communists. However, as the Democrats from 1928 became the party of urban liberalism, ethnic groups, and social reform, they drew increasing numbers of Jews and other socialists into their ranks. Jewish unions and voters moved en masse to the Democrats during the 1930s as F.D. *Roosevelt's New Deal enacted social legislation and provided national political recognition for Jews and other urban ethnic groups. Such Jews as Gus Tyler, Max and Robert Delson, Sidney *Hook, and J.B.S. Hardman were significant Socialist leaders during the 1930s. The American Socialist Party, led after Debs' death in 1925 by Norman Thomas, turned toward pacifism and isolationism in the face of Nazism and did not change its view on Jewish problems. The magnet of the New Deal and the inadequacies of the Socialist Party left the latter with very little Jewish or other following by the time of World War II.
[Lloyd P. Gartner]
The years after World War II, with their combination of economic prosperity, cold war, and political conformism, witnessed the near total collapse of the socialist movement as a serious political force in the U.S. Many older Jewish socialists joined this trend by moderating their criticisms of American society so as to be reabsorbed into the American political mainstream. Typical of this process was the emergence in New York City and State of the mildly reformist Liberal Party, which was dominated by Jewish labor leaders such as David *Dubinsky and Alex *Rose, nearly all of whom had been active socialists in the 1920s and 1930s.
Nevertheless, although socialist politics remained moribund in America for two decades after World War II, a community of influential socialist thinkers, many of them Jews, continued to exist and to sustain a tradition of radical political critique that served as an intellectual seedbed for the radical revival of the late 1960s. The individuals who composed this community held a wide divergence of views, ranging from the revolutionary Marxism of Herbert *Marcuse to the anarchism of Paul *Goodman and the social democratic humanism of Irving *Howe. All joined in rejecting both Soviet communism and American capitalism as viable social models for the future, though most openly expressed their preference for the latter as the less malign of the two evils and the more amenable to structural change. Other prominent figures from these years whose approach to public issues was socialist in tenor, were academicians such as Lewis A. *Coser and Daniel Bell, writers and journalists like Norman *Mailer, Harvey Swados, Paul Jacobs, and I.F. *Stone, and the psychoanalyst Erich *Fromm. Many socialists published in the pages of the journals Dissent, edited by Irving Howe, and Partisan Review, edited by Philip Rahv, and a number were identified with the League for Industrial Democracy directed by Tom Kahn.
As in earlier decades, the majority of American Jewish socialists tended to regard specifically Jewish issues as peripheral to broader social and economic problems, but many supported the establishment of the State of Israel both as a result of the Holocaust and as a legitimate expression of Jewish national aspirations. The revival of radical politics in the U.S. toward the end of the 1960s led to profound differences of opinion among socialist intellectuals. Some, such as Marcuse, supported the *New Left despite reservations about its ideological unclarity and tendencies to violence. Others, such as Howe, strongly attacked it for its contempt of intellectual values and climate of "left fascism." Among the points of contention in this debate was the State of Israel, particularly after the Six-Day War (1967). Many New Left supporters tended to side with the anti-Israel position, while its socialist detractors generally defended the Jewish state, though often with noticeably more ambivalence than in former years.
[Hillel Halkin]
Latin America
Jewish work for socialism in Latin America was mainly the result of the efforts of various Jewish labor organizations established by immigrants from Europe. However, in Argentina, where the socialist movement is one of the oldest in the world, Jewish workers played a part in the development of the General Labor movement and were active in both general politics and the trade unions. Enrique Dickmann was one of the outstanding socialist leaders in the early 1940s. The establishment of the military regime in Argentina greatly limited the activities of the Socialist Party, which nonetheless retained its long-standing association with the Socialist International, its representatives including persons of Jewish origin. In Chile, where the socialist movement had deep roots in the country's history, individual Jews played a part within the various left-wing groups. Jews were active, to a lesser degree, in Uruguay, where the socialist groups were weaker than in Chile. In other Latin American countries with a sizable Jewish population, the socialist movement was either very weak or its development was hampered by totalitarian regimes and the contribution of individual Jews was marginal.
Asia and Africa
Of special significance was the impact made by Israeli socialism in Asia and Africa, where it often served as an example for post-colonial development. The achievements of the *Histadrut, the unique character of the *kibbutz and the *moshav, the development of Israel's people's army and the industrial and scientific progress of the Jewish state, were greatly admired in many developing countries. In 1960, the Histadrut established the Afro-Asian Institute. By 1970, about 2,000 students from the "Third World" had attended its various courses conducted alternatively in English or French. The number of visitors to Israel from African and Asian countries increased substantially during the 1960s and the Histadrut sent many technical advisers to developing countries.
In the political field, the Israel Labor Party played an active part in the establishment of the Asian Socialist Conference (1953). Its activities were suspended after the establishment of totalitarian governments and the suppression of socialist groups in a number of Asian countries. A new attempt at setting up a center for the socialist movement in Asia and Oceania was made at a conference held in Wellington, New Zealand, in 1969; the Israel Labor Party was elected as a member of the secretariat established in Singapore. In Africa, the Israel labor movement established close contact with the socialist parties in power in Madagascar and Mauritius.
Within the Socialist International, the Israeli party *Mapai pressed for greater understanding of the specific conditions and needs of Asian and African countries, and was instrumental in the formation of the special committee for underdeveloped countries within the organization. The Israel Labor Party made clear on a number of occasions that it would welcome the affiliation of genuine Arab socialist groups to the International but it opposed cooperation with semi-Fascist or semi-Communist parties using the label "socialist" for political purposes.
Anarchism
The modern anarchist movement emerged during the 19th century. Some of its leaders believed in violent action, others confined themselves to putting forward their own highly individualistic theories on the transformation of authoritarian societies into free cooperation between individuals and groups. The impact of anarchist ideas has differed from country to country.
Famous anarchists had an indirect influence on the development of Jewish radical thought. The ideas of Proudhon, *Bakunin, Elisée Reclus (1830–1905), Kropotkin (1824–1906), Enrico Malatesta (1853–1932), and other libertarian writers were studied in Jewish revolutionary circles, but the impact of socialism on the Jewish labor movement was incomparably stronger than that of anarchism. Political action had a greater appeal to Jewish workers than the belief in the possibility of a violent and sudden transformation of society. Some of the "giants" of anarchism had a friendly attitude to Jews but others, such as Proudhon and Bakunin, showed clear antisemitic tendencies. Bakunin's antipathy to Jews was considerably influenced by his struggle with Karl Marx for the leadership of the First International. The greatest impact of anarchism was in Mediterranean countries – Spain, Italy, and southern France; and in Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, and southern Russia. In all these countries Jewish participation in the movement was of a minor character; of greater significance was the part played by Jews in the development of libertarian ideas in America and Britain.
Anarchism as an organized movement among Jewish immigrants began in the United States in 1886. A new organization, The Pioneers of Liberty, attracted a number of Jewish radical thinkers, among them the poets David Edelstadt and Morris Rosenfeld, the journalist S. *Janovsky, Emma *Goldman, and Alexander *Berkman. At first, Jewish supporters of the new creed were influenced by German immigrants, but they gradually began to make a direct appeal to Jewish workers and to issue literature in Yiddish. Violent clashes with Jewish socialists and religious elements soon followed. During World War I the number of Jewish anarchists fell; some returned to Russia after the Revolution or otherwise departed. Nevertheless, small groups continued their activities.
The Jewish anarchists in the United States kept in close touch with those in Britain, where the movement found a strong foothold among Jewish workers in Whitechapel. One of the leaders of the British group was Rudolf *Rocker, a German non-Jewish anarchist who lived in London from 1895 to 1914. He was a colorful figure among the Jewish supporters of the libertarian ideas and became editor of Yiddish publications. After 1917, anarchism declined as an active force among Whitechapel Jews, although it still retained a small group of adherents in Britain, including a number of Jews.
On the continent of Europe, anarchism attracted support among the Jewish socialist leaders. Thus in Germany, Moses Hess, who knew both Proudhon and Bakunin, was for a short time influenced by their ideas. He adopted the title "anarchy" for his own social philosophy developed in Die Philosophie der Tat(1843). A prominent anarchosocialist intellectual in Germany with an international reputation was Gustav Landauer. In France, Léon Blum in his early years was influenced by anarchist ideas, as was Bernard *Lazare, who combined his social revolutionary ideas with belief in Zionism.
In Russia, the anarchists were a marginal factor in the development of the Jewish labor movement. While their ideas influenced some of the Jewish revolutionaries, anarchism played only a minor part among Jewish radical elements. During the years 1918–21, peasants of the southern Ukraine joined the anarchist guerrilla leader Nestor Makhno, whose Revolutionary Insurrection Army was responsible for some of the most brutal pogroms against the Jewish population. Makhno had a number of Jewish supporters and denied responsibility for the brutalities. Toward the end of 1918, Aaron and Fanya Baron helped form the Confederation of Anarchist Organizations in Ukraine. In September 1921, Fanya Baron and eight of her comrades were shot in a Moscow prison. Alexander Shapiro – another Jewish anarchist – hoped to bring about an amelioration of conditions through working with the Soviet regime. But Jewish anarchism, and the movement as a whole, ceased to exist as a vital force in Russia after the "purge" of its supporters in the early 1920s. A number of former anarchists were attracted by kibbutz life in Israel, but after World War II anarchism virtually ceased to exist as an organized force in Jewish life. Nevertheless, "revolt against authority" and belief in libertarian ideas can be found among Jewish New Left intellectuals and students in various countries.
SOCIALISM AND THE JEWS
The first socialists were greatly divided about their attitude to the Jewish problem. Some ignored the issue because of ignorance, indifference, or the small number of Jews in their respective countries. Others were imbued with the general antisemitic prejudices prevailing in both Western and Eastern Europe during the 19th century. Another group – among the pioneers of socialism – was sympathetic to the Jews and championed their right to freedom and equality. Moses Hess, who was the first Zionist among the socialist theoreticians, was an exceptional case. The First International (1864–76) never adopted resolutions on the Jewish problem; the views expressed by its various leaders were of a personal nature. However, three official representatives from Jewish labor organizations were present at the first congress of the Second International (1889): Philip Kranz from London's Jewish International Workers' Educational Club, and Joseph Barsky and Louis Miller from the New York's United Hebrew Trades. The latter submitted a report on the activities of Jewish trade unions; this was the first time that an international socialist conference received information about the existence of an independent Jewish labor movement. The Jewish issue was raised at the second congress of the International (Brussels, 1889) by Abraham Cahan, who represented 30,000 "Yiddish-speaking workers" from the U.S.; he did it against the private advice of Victor Adler and Paul Singer and a number of other leading figures in the organization, who believed that a public discussion on antisemitism was both unnecessary and harmful. After a debate in the course of which two delegates from France made reference to the exploitation of workers by Jewish capitalists and denounced "philo-Semitic agitation," the congress adopted the following resolution:
Considering that the socialists and workers' parties have always affirmed that there cannot exist for them racial or national antagonism, but only the class struggle of the proletariat of all races and countries against the capitalists of all races and countries;
Considering that for the proletariat of the Jewish race and Yiddish language there exists no other way to achieve emancipation than to join the workers' organizations of their respective countries;
Condemning antisemitic and philo-Semite outbursts as one of the means by which the capitalist class and the reactionary circles seek to divert the Socialist movement from its purpose and divide the workers;
The Congress decides that the question raised by the delegation of the Yiddish-speaking group of American comrades was superfluous and passes to the next item on the Agenda.
The Russian socialists were not represented at the congress, but the resolution on the Jewish problem was sharply attacked for its lack of understanding in an article written by Georg Plekhanov in Sotsial-Demokrat (Geneva, 1892). In 1903, the Second International condemned the *Kishinev pogrom but refused to take a clear stand on the Jewish question. Jewish Social Democratic groups had been represented at congresses of the International from 1893, when Jacob Stechenberg represented both Lemberg and Cracow, but the Bund was allotted 12 out of the 29 mandates of the Russian Social Democratic Party. On the other hand Jews also represented the Russian Social Revolutionary Party at congresses of the International, Chaim Zhitlovsky and Ilya Rubanovich representing the party at the congress of 1904. The World Confederation of Po'alei Zion applied for membership of the International in March 1907. It submitted a special memorandum to the bureau of the organization, in the course of which attention was drawn to the unique nature of the Jewish problem which, it claimed, was primarily a result of the abnormal class-structure of the Jewish people and the special economic conditions of the Jewish working masses. The specific character of Jewish emigration was stressed as was the need for a territorial solution of the Jewish problem through the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine. The Zionist socialist memorandum ended with the following request for admission:
According to the latest resolution of the International Socialist Bureau, representation will henceforth be determined not on the basis of states but of nationalities. The Jewish Socialist Labor Party – Po'alei Zion – which numbers more than 19,000 organized Jewish workers in Russia, Austria, America, England, and Palestine requests the International Socialist Bureau to grant it – as a socialist party of proletarians of Jewish nationality – representation in the Bureau.
In October 1908, the Po'alei Zion Confederation put forward the idea of the creation of a Jewish section within the Socialist International which would comprise all the existing socialist parties of the Jewish proletariat: the Bund, the Po'alei Zion Confederation, the *Jewish Socialist Workers' Party ("Sejm") of Russia, and the *Zionist Socialists (SS) Party of Russia. The request was renewed in May 1911. Po'alei Zion's efforts to obtain admission to the International did not produce any tangible results – ostensibly on account of objections on organizational grounds. Actually, the request was not granted because of the opposition by the majority of socialist leaders – especially of the large parties – to Jewish national aspirations and labor Zionism. Prior to World War I, the large majority of socialist leaders believed in assimilation as the solution of the Jewish problem. Even those of them who recognized that the Jews were a people, either failed to see any justification for their separate existence or did not believe that they would survive as an independent entity. Many socialist leaders of Jewish origin favored assimilation, and for some the Jewish problem was a personal embarrassment. Others were sincere in their belief that socialism would solve the problem of all minorities and that there was no need for the Jews to be singled out as a special issue. There were also individual socialist spokesmen of Jewish origin who suffered from "self-hatred" and expressed antisemitic sentiments. Nevertheless, even prior to 1914, there were leading socialists who showed understanding of Jewish national aspirations and were sympathetic to the Zionist cause. Toward the end of World War I, Jewish socialists renewed their demands for recognition in the world socialist movement. In 1917, *Po'alei Zion submitted a detailed memorandum on the Jewish situation to the Dutch-Scandinavian Socialist Committee, and presented concrete demands on behalf of the Jewish labor movement. In the same year the committee, whose secretary was the pro-Jewish leader, Camille Huysmans (1871–1968), issued its peace manifesto to the warring powers and urged an international solution to the Jewish problem, involving autonomy for the Jews living in compact masses in parts of Poland, Russia, Austria, and Romania. In December 1917, a special conference of the British Labor Party and Trades Union Congress approved a memorandum on war aims which was later endorsed by a meeting of all the socialist parties in allied countries. The memorandum included, inter alia, the following section on the Jewish question:
The conference demands for the Jews equal elementary rights in the sense of freedom of conscience, residence and trade, and the same political rights that ought to be extended to all citizens. But the conference further maintains that Palestine ought to be set free from the harsh and oppressive government of the Turk and ought to be transformed into a free state, under international guarantee, to which the Jewish people may return if they desire to do so, and where they may develop their own civilization free from the influence of alien races and religions.
During 1919 a number of international socialist conferences were held to discuss problems of a peace settlement. One of them, held in Amsterdam in April, adopted a special resolution dealing with Jewish rights. Beside the demands for equal civil rights, freedom of immigration and settlement in all countries, national autonomy, and representation of the Jewish people in the League of Nations, the motion contained the following clause:
Recognition of the right of the Jewish people to build their National Home in Palestine, and the establishment of conditions favorable thereto under the protection and control of the League of Nations, which shall also safeguard the rightful interests of the existing non-Jewish population.
These resolutions showed a radical change in the attitude of a number of socialist parties to the Jewish problem. The Po'alei Zion Confederation was permitted to take an active part in the various socialist consultations dealing with a peace settlement and the reconstitution of the International. After the war, the Second International was reconstituted in February 1921 from among the socialist parties which did not join the Communist International. Po'alei Zion accepted an invitation to attend as a separate group and, at the Hamburg conference in May 1923, was represented by seven delegates. In the following year the position of the Po'alei Zion within the International was finally settled by a resolution of the executive in February 1924:
1. Palestine is included in the list of nationalities.
2. The only Palestinian party who has so far declared its readiness to affiliate is the Po'alei Zion Confederation.
3. The Po'alei Zion Confederation also has members in countries other than Palestine and demands – in accordance with article 10 of the bylaws relating to factions and parties – that these members be accredited to the Palestinian party. Accordingly, the members of the Confederation who do not belong to other affiliated parties will be accredited to Palestine.
4. Palestine is granted two votes at Congresses. These votes are allotted to the Po'alei Zion Confederation with the understanding that there will have to be a reallotment in case other parties in Palestine will affiliate to the International.
There was still considerable opposition to the Po'alei Zion within the Second International, largely from Jewish assimilationists such as Friedrich *Adler and members of the Bund among the Polish delegation. However, the Po'alei Zion succeeded in forming a representative Socialist Committee for Palestine, whose sponsors included Emil Vandervelde, Léon Blum, and Eduard Bernstein. In addition, 40 leading socialists representing ten European states responded to an invitation to attend a conference in Brussels in August 1928 to extend moral and political support for the labor movement in Palestine.
The persecution of the Jews in Nazi Germany, and the extermination of the Jewish population on the continent of Europe during World War II, finally made the socialist movement alive to the Jewish problem. This, in turn, led to an increasing understanding of Zionist aspirations. The British Labour Party led the campaign for increased Jewish immigration into Palestine and against the anti-Zionist *White Paper introduced by the Conservative government (May 1939), and its program of postwar aims envisaged the establishment of a Jewish state. The reversal of the party's pro-Zionist platform by the Labour government after 1945 came as a shock to many socialists in both Britain and elsewhere. A number of European socialist parties – while deeply sympathetic to the plight of Jewish refugees – were reluctant to criticize the policy of the British Labour government. The situation changed after the UN Partition resolution of 1947 and the establishment of the State of Israel (1948), whose emergence was greeted by many socialist leaders in various parts of the world. From its revival in 1951, the Socialist International gave consistent support to Mapai and later to the Israel Labor Party, which played an active part in the meetings of the bureau, council conferences, and congresses of the organization. The Socialist International, mainly on the initiative of Israeli delegates, took an active interest in the problem of Soviet Jewry and several times officially demanded its positive solution. (See *Russia, Struggle for Soviet Jewry.) The 11th Congress of the Socialist International (June 1969) adopted a resolution which expressed deep concern that two years after the war of the Arab states against Israel, no advance had yet been made toward a settlement based on security and lasting peace in the area. It stated that flagrant violations of the cease-fire agreement and senseless acts of terrorism threatened to lead to an escalation toward a new war. It also pledged full support for the mission of the UN representative Gunnar Jarring and directly negotiated peace treaties between Arab states and Israel. The International appointed a special working group to study the situation of Soviet Jewry and actively identified itself with the struggle for the attainment of its legitimate rights; it also urged Arab governments to allow Jews to emigrate.
Conclusion
Summarizing the Jewish contribution to the Socialist movement the following picture emerges regarding the situation at the end of 1970.
(1) The Nazi-Fascist period and the Holocaust led to a decline both of the Jewish population in Central Europe and in its contribution to the socialist movement; individual Jews, however, continued to play their part in the various labor parties.
(2) The establishment of Communist regimes in Eastern European countries led to the suppression of socialist parties and thus brought to an end the long chapter of Jewish participation in the struggle for democratic socialist ideas in Russia, Poland, Romania, and other countries of the region.
(3) The period of Gaullism in France was followed by both a decrease in the strength of the socialist movement and the part of Jews in its leadership.
(4) A feature of the postwar period was a considerable increase in Jewish participation in the activities of the British Labour Party, and a parallel process, on a smaller scale, was discernible in the Canadian New Democratic Party. A tendency to greater Jewish participation in labor politics was also felt in Australia where the Jewish community was still comparatively small. Similar currents were noticeable in South American countries but the outlook was unclear due, on the one hand, to military dictatorships and, on the other, to the possibility of revolutionary upheavals.
(5) The major center of the Jewish socialist movement with wide links in many parts of the world was Israel. It was the Israel Labor Party and the Histadrut which attracted the interest of both international labor circles and non-aligned countries in the "Third World." The center of gravity of Jewish socialist thought and actions shifted from Diaspora countries to Israel. During the 19th century, the world was mainly familiar with the contribution to socialism made by individuals of Jewish origin, but it is now aware of the collective Jewish contribution created by Jewish labor in the Jewish state.
[Schneier Zalman Levenberg]
SOCIALISM AND WOMEN
Jewish women's involvement with socialism began in 19th-century Europe with the emergence of modern Jewish political movements that sought to address the dislocations caused by industrialization, urbanization, and the breakdown of traditional religious structures. Socialists aspired to create a just society, often conceived in utopian, classless terms. Some Jewish women who worked within socialist movements, parties, trade unions, and causes added gender to their class and national analyses of modernity's problems, insisting on an amalgam of socialism and feminism.
The first Jewish socialists, including female intelligentsia such as Rosa *Luxemburg in Germany, Angelica *Balabanov in Italy, and Matilda Pollak of Austria, put their energies into general socialist movements. However, by the end of the 19th century, the composition and nature of Jewish involvement with socialism was transformed by the growth of a massive Jewish artisanal working-class in Eastern Europe. As Jewish women flocked into light industry, primarily the needle trades, but also tanning, bristle making, and cigar and cigarette production, many began to organize as workers and as Jews to protest their exploitative working conditions. Jewish women joined the socialist-oriented Bund when it formed in Vilna in 1897, comprising one-third of its membership, and occupied many of its middle rank leadership roles. Esther Frumkin (b. 1880), despite being born to a life of privilege, devoted herself to the Bundist cause.
Emigration from Eastern Europe stimulated socialist activism. Jewish immigrant communities in Europe, the Americas, Palestine, and elsewhere, were deeply sympathetic to socialist ideals, many of which were expressed through trade unionism. Women played an important role in realizing many of these aspirations. Although Jews comprised 40 percent of New York's garment workers in the early 20th century, Jewish women often found themselves in less skilled, lower-paying positions, and were viewed skeptically by the labor establishment. Yet, the American and American Jewish trade union movements only became secure when galvanized by labor activities spearheaded by young Jewish women workers in the first decade of the 20th century.
The most important female labor action of the period, the so-called Uprising of the Twenty Thousand (also known as the 1909 Shirtwaist Strike; see *International Ladies Garment Workers Union), involving thousands of Jewish and Italian working girls, began a series of strikes that spread to Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland, and Kalamazoo – later called "The Great Revolt" – and emboldened the American labor movement. By 1919, half of all garment workers were members of a union. Fannia M. *Cohn, Rose *Schneiderman, Pauline *Newman, and Clara Lemlich *Shavelson, all East European-born, experienced the shirtwaist strike as the formative event of their activist youth, as did Theresa *Malkiel, who later became an important Socialist Party activist and immortalized her experiences in the novel Diary of a Shirtwaist Striker(1910). Many female Jewish trade unionists continued their socialist-inspired activism through progressive and reform politics in the New Deal. Most notable was Bessie Abramowitz *Hillman, who at 21 led a walkout with 16 other young women against a Chicago clothing firm that began the 1910 strike and later became an organizer for the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL). Similar narratives are told of other young Jewish women raised in immigrant communities, such as Rose Kerrigan, whose socialist activism informed her earliest years as a rent striker and her later years as a pension activist in Glasgow, Scotland. While most female Jewish socialists felt loyalty foremost to the working-class from which they came, they also supported middle-class feminist issues, such as suffrage, in disproportionate numbers.
Socialism's strength on the New York Jewish street before World War I made the Jewish Socialist Federation (JSF), established in 1912, the third largest foreign-language federation within the Socialist Party. When the 1917 October Revolution radicalized and split the international socialist and trade union movement, Jewish women joined the ranks of both the Socialist Party (and the nascent Communist Party). Many others became fellow travelers who worked for socialist ideals through the expansive Jewish immigrant fraternal, educational, and cultural networks that included the Yiddish press, supplementary Yiddish schools, theater, and housing and consumer cooperatives.
Socialist activism also informed the Zionist movement and as early as 1907 the Po'alei Zion applied for membership in the Socialist International, asserting that the needs of the Jewish proletariat merited a special Jewish organization. Opposition to Zionism ran strong in the international socialist community, and labor and social Zionists found their successes in the Israeli kibbutz and labor movements. The Plough Woman (1931; rep. 2002) recorded the testimonies of female pioneers, such as Rachel *Katznelson-Shazar and Yael Gordon among many others, who were imbued with the socialist ideals that underpinned labor Zionism.
Because socialism was so intimately tied to immigrant labor, culture, and community life, post-World War II suburbanization and upward mobility led to the decline of socialist activism among Jews, including women. An exception was the prominence of certain Jewish women activists in "Second Wave" feminism, which as a movement criticized society chiefly through the lens of gender. Individuals such as Clara Goodman Fraser, a Jewish feminist from East Los Angeles, believed that resolution of class conflict was necessary to ameliorate the condition of women in a patriarchal society. She combined socialism and feminism on behalf of the Freedom Socialist Party (FSP) and Radical Women (RW) throughout the 1960s and 1970s. In Latin America, many Jewish women, such as the socialist Alicia Portnoy, suffered as leftists under the Argentinean junta in the 1970s.
[Nancy Sinkoff (2nd ed.)]
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
E. Silberner, Western European Socialism and the Jewish Problem (1955), incl. bibl.; idem, Ha-Sozyalism ha-Ma'aravi u-She'elat ha-Yehudim… (1955); idem, in: HJ, 15 (1953), 3–48; 16 (1954), 3–38; idem, in: HUCA, 24 (1953), 151–86; idem, in: JSOS, 8 (1946), 245–66; 9 (1947), 339–62; idem, in: Scripta Hierosolymitana, 3 (1955); O. Bauer, Die Nationalitaetenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (19242); G.D.H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought, 5 vols. (1953–60), index; J. Braunthal In Search of the Millennium (1945); idem,Geschichte der Internationale, 2 vols. (1961–63); J. Joll, The Second International (1966); D.A. Chalmers, The Social Democratic Party of Germany(1964); E. Mendelsohn, Class Struggle in the Pale (1970); J.L.H. Keep, The Rise of Social Democracy in Russia (1963); K. Landauer, European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements from the Industrial Revolution to Hitler's Seizure of Power, 2 vols. (1959). IN THE U.S.: D. Bell, in: D.D. Egbert and S. Persons, Socialism and American Life, 2 vols. (1952), 215–425; A. Goren, New York Jews and the Quest for Community: The Kehillah Experiment 19081922(1970), 186–96; A. Gorenstein (Goren), in: AJHSP, 50 (1960/61), 202–38; R. Rockaway, in: Detroit Historical Society, Bulletin (Nov. 1970), 4–9; D.A. Shannon, The Socialist Party of America (1955); J.S. Hertz, Di Yidishe Sotsialistishe Bavegung in Amerike (1954); R. Schwarz, in: Fraenkel (ed.), The Jews of Austria (1967), 445–66; M. Jarblum, The Socialist International and Zionism (1933). ADD. BIBLIOGRAPHY: SOCIALISM AND WOMEN: H. Davis-Kram, "The Story of the Sisters of the Bund," in: Contemporary Jewry, 5:2 (1980), 7–43; P.S. Foner, Women and the American Labor Movement: From Colonial Times to the Eve of World War I (1979); S. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (1990; P.E. Hyman,Gender and Assimilation in Modern Jewish History (1995); N. Levin, Jewish Socialist Movements, 1877–1917 (1978); E. Mendelsohn, Class Struggle in the Pale: The Formative Years of the Jewish Workers' Movement in Tsarist Russia(1970); T. Michels, "Socialism and the Writing of American Jewish History: World of Our Fathers Revisited," in: American Jewish History, 88:4 (December 2000), 521–46; idem, "Socialism with a Jewish Face: The Origins of the Yiddish-Speaking Communist Movement in the United States, 190–1923," in: G. Estraikh and M. Krutikov (eds.), Yiddish and the Left (2001), 24–55; A. Orleck, Common Sense and a Little Fire: Women and Working-Class Politics in the United States, 1900–1965 (1995); G. Sorin, "Socialism," in: P.E. Hyman and D.D. Moore (eds.), Jewish Women in America (1997), 2:1269–73.
Source : jewishvirtuallibrary  and wikipedia

DECLASSIFIED US MILITARY INTELLIGENCE DOCUMENTS PROVE AND CONFIRMED THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE PROTOCOLS OF THE ELDERS OF ZION.



THE EARTH AND HUMANITY WAS ATTACKED NEARLY 4000 YEARS AGO. 

THEY WERE ATTACKED BY THE WORST EVIL RACE WHICH TOOK HUMAN FORM TO INFILTRATE THE GOYIM (NATIONS AND PEOPLES) IN ORDER TO BRING TO A SUCCESSFUL CONCLUSION THEIR MISSION : THE EXTERMINATION OF HUMANITY. AND THIS ON BEHALF OF THEIR GOD !!

YAHVE-JEHOVAH-ANU, THE GOD OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE IS NOT THE LEGITIMATE GOD OF THE GOYIM. 

THE JEWISH NEW WORLD ORDER IS PLANNED SINCE THE BEGINNING AND WHOEVER THOROUGHLY READS THE OLD TESTAMENT WILL SEE THE AGENDA OF THIS SO CALLED GOD WHO USED HIS CHOSEN PEOPLE TO BRING ABOUT THE MISSION. 

THE JEWS ARE NOT PART OF HUMANITY. THEY ARE ALIENS. THEY ARE A RACE OF ALIENS  !!!

THE RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL PROGRAMS OF CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM WERE CREATED BY THE JEWS ON BEHALF OF THEIR GOD TO ENSLAVE HUMANITY BEFORE HER EXTERMINATION.

THE SO CALLED BATTLE AGAINST CHRISTIANS IS SUPERFICIAL. IT'S ONLY TO MAKE BELIEVE NAIVE PEOPLES IN ORDER TO QUIETLY MOVE TOWARDS THEIR GOAL. 

THE JEWS NOT ONLY CONTROL BOTH SIDES IN RELIGION, POLITICS, ETC.... BUT THEY CONTROL ALL SIDES !!   


SO THE HORRIBLE ZIONISTS AND THE GOOD JEWS ARE ONE AND THE SAME. 
AND THE JEWISH STRATEGY HAS BEEN ON TRACK LONG BEFORE THE WORD "ZIONIST" AND THE ZIONISM CONCEPT WERE CREATED!!     

Here is the document.     

  



THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY

The below given report is a U.S. War Department investigation and evaluation of issues generated by Jewish power. It was compiled in August 1919 and given SECRET classification until 1973.

A hard copy of this document may be obtained from U.S. National Archives in Washington DC, - its number is 245-1.

This is PART 1, of serial parts as transcribed by PAPUREC.
[page 1 of doc. begins]

THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY
The recent emphasis in American public opinion placed on the part the Jews have been taking in world events, has seemed to warrant the Department in undertaking a preliminary study of the particular matters in controversy and also the larger question of the scope of Jewish influence in world affairs today. Among the more important points around which controversy has waged are:

I. The authenticity of the so-called Jewish Protocols, which purport to set forth a Jewish plan, centuries old, of world domination.

II. The question of how far Jewry as such is connected with Bolshevism, not only in the Soviet Government of Russia and Hungary, but in all the other countries of the world and particularly Germany and the United States.

III. The various phases of the Polish question:

(a) Whether the Jewish anti-Polish propaganda in the United States has been based on actual widespread Jewish Pogroms in Poland, or

(b) Whether, on the contrary, the stories of pogroms have been greatly exaggerated as a part of a deliberate Zionist propaganda to get for the Jews in Poland minority rights which both factions of American Poles publicly denounce as amounting to the creation of a state within a state.

(c) How serious is the nation-wide secret boycott against all Jews and Jewish goods recently started by the American Poles and other Slavic sympathizers ?
[page 2 of doc. begins]

It is self evident that in controversies such as these the Jews are strongly on the defensive on one side while the Slavic peoples are bitter in their denunciation upon the other. The important thing for us, however, is the fact that Americans in the main do not sense the situation nor appreciate its dangerous possibilities. Unfortunately there is too much truth in the charge made by the Slavs that the reasons for this is that the American press is so largely owned and controlled by the Jews. Witness the fact that the so-called Jewish Protocols which constitute by far the most serious charge against the Jews of those above enumerated, have never been mentioned in any American publication other than the official report of the Senate Judiciary Committee containing the testimony about the Protocols.

I. THE JEWISH PROTOCOLS:

The so-called Jewish Protocols purport to be the official pronouncement of the program of Jewish world domination drawn up by Theodore Herzl the founder of the modern Zionist movement and presented by him in 1897 to the inner circle of the first Zionist Congress at Basle, Switzerland. A summary of them was first published in Russia about 1905 by Serge Nilus who claims to have had a copy stolen from the Zionist files in France. In 1915 [barely legible on doc. possibly reads 1916] Nilus wrote another book entitled "IT IS NEAR RIGHT AT THE DOOR”, dealing largely with the danger of the Jew in world affairs. Here he sets out what he claims to be the full and exact translation of the Protocols. This book was published early in 1917 at a Russian Monastery near Moscow, but shortly after the first Russian Revolution of 1917 it was ordered suppressed and so even in that country it was exceedingly difficult to obtain.

[page 3 of doc. begins]

Dr. George A. Simons testifying before the Senate Committee said (Pages 135, 136 and 137 of the Record):

Senator Nelson: Are Lenine and Trotsky Yiddish ?

Mr. Simons: Lenine is from a very fine old Russian family, so we are told, and is intellectually a very able man. A fanatic, he was called the brains of this movement. Trotsky is a Jew. His real name is Leon Bronstein.

Senator King: Why are they so bitter toward religion, especially the Christian religion ?

Mr. Simons: There is a gentleman here in America who last night called on me, Dr. Harris A. Houghton, I think is his full name. I knew him out in Bay Side when I was the pastor of that church. He called on me last night. He is a Captain in the United States Army. I had not seen him for six years. He asked me whether I knew anything about the anti-Christian element in the Bolshevik regime. I said, "Indeed I do". I do know all about it." He said, "Did you ever come across the so-called Jewish protocols ?” I said "Yes, I have had them." "I have a memorandum” he said, "and last winter after much trouble I came into possession of a book which was called "REDUSTI, ANTI-CHRIST." Now, Dr. Houghton in the meantime had investigated this. He had come into possession of this book, which is quite rare now, because it was said that when the edition came out it was immediately bought up by the Jews in Petrograd and Moscow. That book reflects a real organization. That book is of some consequence. But the average person in official life here in Washington and elsewhere is afraid to handle it. Houghton says that even in his intelligence bureau they were afraid of it.

Senator King: Tell us about the book. What is bad about it ? Is it anti-Christian ?

Mr. Simons: It is anti-Christian and it shows what this secret Jewish society has been doing in order to make a conquest of the world, and to make the Christian forces as ineffective as possible, and finally to have the whole world, if you please, in their grip; and now in that book ever so many things are said with regard to their program and their methods, which devetail into the Bolshevik regime. It just looks as if that connected in some way.

Now, I have no animus against the Jews, but I have a great passion for truth: If there is anything in it I think we ought to know. The man who wrote it is considered a truth-loving man, a man held in the highest esteem by the authorities of the Russian Orthodox Church. ******

Senator Nelson: In this book that you refer to is there anything that goes to show that this Bolshevik government of Russia are supporting, directly or indirectly, this book of protocols ?

[page 4 of doc. begins]

Mr. Simons: Before answering that question I should like to see that translation, because I do not know how this thing has been done. (A pamphlet was handed to the witness.)
Senator Nelson: You have seen the original book ?

Mr. Simons: Yes. Some very finely educated Russian generals of note have told me that they considered this as an authentic thing, and they say the marvelous part of it is that nearly all of that is being executed under the Bolsheviki.

It is true by his extravagant statements since giving this testomony Dr. Simons has been somewhat discredited. However, while on the stand, under oath, he spoke with unusual care, and other people who had been in Russia at the time covered by his testimony were unable to criticize his story. Those of his statements reprinted in the press brought out the first public condemnation of Bolshevism by such Jewish leaders in America as Louis Marshall.

Recently the Department was able to examine what is said to be the only copy now in the United States of this Nilus book containing the Protocols. At that time photostatic copies of the Russian text were made for the Department files.

As stated above, there has been no reference in the press to the existence or the contents of the Protocols, nor to Dr. Simons testimony concerning them, although there was wide publicity to this more general charges as to the part the Jews were taking in the Bolshevik Government and an equally wide publicity to the vigorous denial of leading American Jews to this letter charge. Nevertheless, the testimony concerning the Protocols, which was given at an open public hearing and which has recently been published in the official Senate Report, has given them a certain limited publicity. We have been informed at second hand that an English translation of the Protocols has been shown to Justice Brandeis and Jacob Schiff each of whom vigorously disclaimed their authenticity, Mr. Schiff asserting that they are a creation of German propagandists. This explanation seems almost impossible considering the circumstances of the Russian publication - facts which

[page 5 of doc. begins]

perhaps were not made known to him, at the time he saw the translation, much less probable than the suggestion said to have been made by Justice Brandeis that the Protocols are the creation of a fanatic Russian anti-Semite.

It is not the purpose of this memorandum to make any argument toward establishing their genuineness. As previously stated, [hand written insert illegible] the Protocols are attributed to Herzl himself and one certainly must note the identity of thought found in the Protocols on the one hand and in Herzl’s public writings, and in the writings of other prominent past and contemporary Jewish leaders on the other. (Note 1.)

Note 1:
Protocol 1, page 1: "According to the law of being might is right."
Protocol 1, page 3: "Our right lies in force."
Herzl, "The Jewish State”, page 2: "For this, as indeed every point which arises in the commerce of nations, is a question of might. ******* In the world of today and for an indefinite period, it will probably remain so, might precious right."

A number of similar illustrations such as the quotations relating to the "Terrible power of the Jewish purse” are set out in Appendix A.

[page 6 of doc. begins]

Some of the important events which have occurred since 1897 have fulfilled in a striking manner the predictions and aims expressed in the Protocols themselves. (Note 2.)
Furthermore, it is impossible to read far in the Protocols and in the public writings of Hess, Herzl and other Jewish Leaders without being impressed with the constant reiteration of certain fundamental principles and ideals. Among the more important of these around which the forces of Jewry are now rallying are the following:

PART 2 - THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY

1. The Jews are a nation held together by their commom enemies. (Note 3.)
2. With the Jews Nationality and Religion are inseparable and co-extensive.
3. All groups of Jews from the extreme radicals (Poole Zionist) to the most conservative, are united in this National Religious Movement.
4. Once a Jew always a Jew.
5. The teachings of the Talmud still exercises a profound influence on Jewish life.
6. Judaism and Socialism are different expressions of the same movement.
7. The Jews consider themselves the original exponents of internationalism and the League of Nations. (Note 4.)
--------------------------------O------------------------------------
Note 2: The coming of a world war is predicted which the Jews are to secretly promote. The creation of the chaos of Bolshevism is described as to be worked out by Jews all over the world as a step towards Jewish world dominion. For a fuller discussion of these and similar illustrations seeAppendix B.

Note 3: See Herzl’s "Jewish State" page 4, and Dr. Solomon Prest, of the United Synagogues of America. (New York Times, June 17, 1919, page 3.)

Note 4: For a full discussion of these principles with citations from Moses Hess, Theodor Herzl, Bernard Lazarre, H. Sacher and the lectures now being distributed by the Zionist Organization in America, see Appendix C.

[page 7 of doc. begins]

In any event the Protocols are of suggestive value in the study of present-day International Jewry. They indicate possible or probable fields of Jewish activities, aims and methods, and as such, without relying on them at all as evidence in themselves, we have used them as a point of departure for some phases of our study.
[page 8 of doc. begins]

II. HOW FAR IS JEWRY, AS SUCH, CONNECTED WITH BOLSHEVISM, NOT ONLY IN THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT OF RUSSIA AND HUNGARY BUT IN ALL OTHER COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD AND PARTICULARLY IN GERMANY AND IN THE UNITED STATES.

(a) There is, of course, a vast amount of material in the Department relating to this problem. Here, however, a mere outline will be sufficient to indicate the general tendencies. The following quotation will illustrate the widespread participation of Jews in all revolutionary movements:

(1) Theodore Herzl’s "JEWISH STATE".

Page 8. "Educated Jews without means are fast becoming Socialists."
Page 10. "When we sink we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party."

(2) Theodor Herzl’s "CONGRESS ADDRESSES".
Page 13. "That the Jews constitute a disintegrating element is habitually maintained."
(3) Lecture on "SOCIAL ZIONISM” published and now circulated by the Zionist organization of America.

Page 4. "From the days of the prophets down to the present time the Jew has been the inveterate enemy of tyranny and our contribution to the ranks of labor leaders and social philosophers is one of the marvels of history. In ancient times it was Isaiah, Jeremiah and the lesser Prophets who thundered agains those who added "house to house” while the common people were suffering against huger and privations. The thinkers and leaders of the Socialist Party during the last century, Karl Marx, Ferdinand Lasalle and many others were Jews, even though some of them sold their birthright for "a mess of pottage". In fact any careful historian must come to the conclusion that the Jews are a race representing the great social factor in modern history."

(4) Rabbi Judah L. Magnus, who has been very closely associated with Jacob H. Schiff, in a speech before the Jewish Labor Congress January 15, 1919 published in the JEWISH FORUM for February 1919 states:

Page 722: "When the Jew gives his thought, his devotion to the cause of the workers and of the dispossessed,

[page 9 of doc.begins]

of the disinherited of the world, the radical quality within him there, too, goes to the root of things, and in Germany he comes as Marx and a Lasalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in Austria he becomes a Victor Adler and a Friederich Adler; in Russia a Trotsky. Just take for a moment the present situation in Russia and Germany. The Revolution set creative forces free, and see what a large company of Jews was available for immediate service. Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki; Bolsheviki; Majority and Minority Socialists whatever they be called ******* Jews are to be found among the trusted leaders and the routine workers of all those revolutionary parties."

(b) RUSSIA !
Many of the witnesses who testified before the Senate Committee stated quite definitely that most of the prominent Bolshevik leaders were Jews. The following are quotations from one or two:
(1) Mr. Theodor Kryshtofovitch (page 424 Senate Record):
"Most of the people governing Russia now are Jews. I am not against Jews in general. They are a very capable and energetic people, but as you Americans say, the right man must be in the right place. Their place is in the Commission Houses, in Banks, in the offices, but not in the government of a fine agricultural country. They do not understand anything about agriculture, about production, about keeping materials and about distribution ********* I am talking about Bolsheviki; because if you take our Bolshevik Government, Lenine is a Russian and all these constellations that are turning around this sun are Jews. They have changed their names. For instance, Trotsky is not Trotsky but Bronstein."

Again on page 431 he says:
"They oppose the Russian clergy and the Russian clergy oppose the Bolsheviki, and the Russian priests are treated very badly. For instance, they are set to do street work, cleaning the streets, paving streets, digging ditches, and so on. The workmen told me several times: ‘The Bolsheviki are sending out priests to work in the streets. Why do they not send their Rabbis ?’ And that is true. The Jewish Rabbis are not sent to work on the streets."

Colonel V. S. Hurban, the leader of the Checho-Slovaks in Russia (page 444 of the Senate Record):
"It is also logical that the morals of the officials should be corrupt. I cannot deny it because it is a fact, and it is useless to deny it, that in the Soviets from the beginning there have been a very large percentage of Jews. It cannnot be denied. I can explain myself. We cannot blame them because it is just their revenge."

[page 10 of doc. begins]

(c) HUNGARY
The following appears in a despatch to the Department, describing conditions in Hungary, quoted on page 37 of the confidential weekly report of the Division of Western European Affairs for June 28, 1919:
"Of the Communist Commissaries (of whom 25 out of 32 are Jews), several are assigned to each department."
As a sample of general frank public comment on the Bolshevik regime in Hungary may be cited the following from an article on "The Forces of Disintegration” appering in THE NEW EUROPE of June 19, 1919:

"The internal situation in Hungary is comparatively simple at this moment. The issue of the war involved the bankruptcy of the whole ruling oligarchy and of the Jewish parasites who had battened upon them for over a generation past. But while the former fell with a resounding crash, a large section of the latter suddenly laid violent hands upon the machine of the State, and have since the Spring been endeavoring to recover, under a mask of advanced Communist theories, fragments of what the old imperialism had lost to the Magyar State. ********** Meanwhile we need be under no illusions as to the present regime in Hungary. In Budapest such illusions have long since vanished, and all who come from there tell the same tale. The present Communist Government of Budapest is merely a glorified edition of "Sussex Street". Bela Kun - a convicted thief who is proud of his record and brags publicly of his capacity for lying - is on a par with Peter the Painter, while his colleagues (save a couple of honest doctrinaires, and an occasional figurehead selected for purposes of camouflage) are altogether worthy of him.

(d) GERMANY:
The early efforts of the Bolsheviki to get control in Russia were financed by German Government, largely through the German Jewish banking firm of M. N. Warburg and Company of Hamburg, established in 1798, one of the most powerful banks in all of Germany, and instrumental in directing the international policy of the old German Empire. Max Warburg, head of this firm, cooperated in this matter with his brother Fritz, Financial Attache of the German Legation at Stockholm and as such, head of and general paymaster

[page 11 of doc. begins]

for the German spy system. Practically all of the men who participated in the negotiations with the Bolsheviki in turning over these funds were Jews.

A number of the returning Military Attaches as for example, Lieutenant Waldo from The Hague, have emphasized that the personnel, methods and aims of the new German Foreign Office were, in a large measure, the same as those of the old regime.

Therefore, the statement in the BRITISH CONFIDENTIAL WEEKLY REVIEW for June 4, 1919 (page 2) would seem at least possible:

"Evidence is accumulating that the German Government directed the Munich Revolution throughAgents provocateurs. The "ROTE FAHNE” seems to have been under Government control, and an organization called: "VEREINIGUNG ZU BEKAMPFUNG DES BOLSHEVISMUS”, and espionage association covering the whole of Germany, had exact information on every phase of the Munich rising. This association is headed by Prussian Officers and works in connection with the Government."

PART 3 - THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY

... Concerning the leaders of the Munich Soviet Revolution, Ben Hecht, himself a radical, in a cable published in the CHICAGO DAILY NEWS said:

"As for the Communist leaders in Bavaria, for instance Toller, Levine, Muhsam, Landauer, Lipp, and, in fact, all whom I met in the April Soviet days in Munich, were Jews."
As to the general Jewish influence in Germany, Hecht states:

"One of the tragi-comic sides of the feverish German situation today is the position of the German Jews. Although less than one per cent of the German population consists of Jews, fully 75% of its present leaders - conservative and radical - are Semitic. The only political party which has no Jewish leaders is the centre or Catholic party, controlled by Mathias Erzberger. In Weimar, however, I have seen numerous centrist delegates to the national assembly whose Catholicism was political rather than racial.

As for the majority socialist, it must be remembered that the socialist party was founded by Karl Marx, a Jew, and co-ordinated by Ferdinand Lasalle and the elder Liebknecht, also Jews, while it was economically developed by Singer, another Jew. On the other hand the most active anti-socialist leaders in Germany - Theodor Wolff, George Bernhard and a dozen others of similar standing - are likewise Jews.

Hugo Haase, leader of the independent socialist party, is a Jew, as are practically all of its more important leaders, with the exception of Dr. Rudolph Breitscheld.
Nearly all of the newspaper editors and publicists whom I have encountered, from Maximilian Harden up and down the line, are Jews, and, so far as I can make out, nearly all the Berlin bankers are of the same race."

[page 12 of doc. begins]

(e) ENGLAND.
On April 8, 1919, the LONDON MORNING POST in an editorial commenting on the part the Jews were taking in Russian Bolshevism and the further fact that two of the leading British Jewish papers were openly pro-Bolshevik, stated:
"We have mentioned several times the disagreeable fact that the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews. These Jews are at the present moment in control of the Russian Government and they have powerful friends in all the Allied countries, who are helping them. We have appealed to the British Jews, but appealed so far in vain, to dissociate themselves from the cause which is doing the Jewish people terrible harm in all parts of the world. In reply the Jewish press shower upon us not only abuse but threats."

This article brought forth a letter published in the LONDON POST of April 23, 1919 signed by the following ten leading British Jews:

Major Lionel de Rothschild, M.P.
Lord Swaythling
Sir Philip Magnus, Bart, M.P.
Alderman Sir Marcus Samuel, Bart
Right Honorable Sir Harry S. Samuel, M.P.
Mr. Leonard L. Cohen
Sir Israel Gollancz
Lieutenant-General Sir John Monash, G.O.N.G.
Mr. Claude G. Montefiore
Sir Isidore Spielmann, C.M.G.

The letter stated in part:
"We have read with the deepest concern and with sincere regret certain articles which have recently appeared in two closely associated Jewish newspapers in this country on the topic of Bolshevism and its "ideals". In our opinion, the publication of these articles can have no other effect than to encourage the adoption of the theoretic principles of Russian Bolsheviks among foreign Jews who have sought and found refuge in England. We welcome, accordingly, your suggestion that British Jews should "dissociate themselves from a cause which is doing the Jewish people harm in all parts of the world". This is profoundly true, and we, on our own behalf and on behalf of numbers of British Jews, with whom we have conferred, desire to dissociate themselves absolutely and unreservedly from the mischievous and misleading doctrine which those articles are calculated to disseminate. We repudiate them as dangerous in themselves and as false to the tenets teachings of Judaism.

Partly in order to counteract the mistaken policy of the newspapers referred to, the League of British Jews was founded in November 1917. The proceedings and views of the League are published in a monthly bulletin, entitled JEWISH OPINION which can be obtained at the Offices of the League, 708-709, Salisbury House, E.C. 2, and which may eventually be merged

[page 13 of doc. begins]

"in a larger journal appearing at more frequent intervals. For we thoroughly concur with your criticism that the "British Jewish Community”, most of whom, as you rightly say, are by no means in sympathy with this (Nationalist) crusade, are being served very badly by their newspapers". Meanwhile we take this opportunity of repudiating in public the particular statements in those newspapers to which you have felt it your duty to call attention."

(f) UNITED STATES
Under date of February 15, 1919 Louis Marshall in denying the charges made before the Senate Committee that the New York East Side was Bolshevist and had furnished many Russian Bolshevists Commissars said: (Page 379 of the Senate Record):

"I read the Yiddish newspapers and am constantly called into consultation and conference with respect to every imaginable movement that can concern the public which affects the East Side, and I can, therefore, speak with authority when I say that there never has been a baser slander uttered than to charge by innuendo that the Jews of the East Side are Bolshevists."

In a report dated May 20, 1919, M. C. Keyes, Treasury Secret Service Agent stated:
When Dr. Simons, formerly a resident of Russia made the statement that "90% of the Bolsheviks in New York were Jews”, the entire radical element in New York rose in arms and through the influence that they could exert they villified a man whose only crime was being too modest in his calculations. I am satisfied that instead of 90% it should be nearer the actual amount to say that 95% of the Bolsheviks are Jews. Only recently I had the opportunity to look over the records of one Soviet branch in New York. Out of a membership of 700, 625 were Jews. ****** ”

On June 17, 1919 a conversation was overheard between Nuorteva and Charles Recht, both Bolshevist Jews, in New York, in which it wa stated that the entire 500,000 Jews of the East Side were Bolshevists.

Vice Consul R. B. Dennis testyfying before the Senate Committee said: (Page 178 of the Senate Record)
"Mr. Dennis: I do not know whether this belongs in this hearing or not, but a thing that interested me very much was to discover a number of men in positions of power, commissars in the cities here and there in Russia, who had lived in America.
Senator Nelson: Who had been graduated here ?

Mr. Dennis: Yes.

[page 14 of doc. begins]

Senator Nelson: Where had they lived mostly, in New York ?

Mr. Dennis: In the industrial centers. I met a number of them and I sat around and listened to attacks upon America that I would not take from any man in this country; but I took it over there because I was asking favors, and I was not in a position to get into an altercation, as I did not want to get in jail.

Senator Nelson: Were the men who had lived for years in this country, and had gone back there, occupying prominent positions in the Bolshevik Government ?

Mr. Dennis: Yes Sir.

Senator Wolcott: In the main, of what nationality were they ?

Mr. Dennis: Hebrew.

Senator Wolcott: German Hebrews ?

Mr. Dennis: Russian Hebrews. The men that I met there had lived in America according to their stories, anywhere from 5 to 12 years.

[page 15 of doc. begins] 

III. THE POLISH QUESTION

(a) Has the Jewish anti-Polish propaganda in the United States been based on actual widespreadJewish pogroms ?

Louis Marshall, Judge Mack, Jacob Schiff, Israel Cohen, the British Zionist investigator, and other Jewish leaders all answer "yes".

Hugh Gibson, United States Minister to Poland on the other hand says the stories have been greatly exaggerated. For this statement he has been bitterly villified by Mr. Marshall and the American-Jewish News. Mr. Gibson also reported that many of the exaggerated pogroms stories were traceable to German propaganda sent out by way of Copenhagen. In this he is corroborated by the report of Colonel Mason of the Military Intelligence, General Staff, who spent a month in Poland during March and April.

The following quotation from Professor Askenazy, a Polish-Jewish educator and historian of Warsaw, appearing in the NEW YORK WORLD of July 2, 1919 and reprinted in FREE POLAND for July 16, 1919, would seem to present an accurate summary:

"The outside world is getting an entirely exaggerated idea, and I see my co-religionists in New York are acting on what was evidently unverified information coming from many sources. They have denounced Poland for things which never happened. With Poland young and struggling and beset with enemies it has enough trouble without having attacks from our people, who have always received better treatment from the Poles than from any other people in Eastern Europe. **** 

PART 4 - THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY

It is true that there have been local outbreaks against the Jews, for special reasons, due to upset conditions, and tales about Jewish profiteering, particularly from Russian Bolshevik Jews, who are trying to upset the Polish nationalist spirit. **** I remark with wonder that the leaders of America’s greatest Jewish societies are lending themselves to this movement, for all this agitation in America is only helping Germany and Bolshevik Russia. *** Whenever one Jew has been hurt in Poland, Jews say ten were killed and Germans say a thousand. If a Jew is killed in conflict, like the Jews in Vilna who fought with the Bolsheviki, the German press immediately spreads a tale of a Polish pogrom in Vilna."
[page 16 of doc. begins]

(b) Have the Jewish Zionists as a part of a definite propaganda to get for the Jews of Poland minority rights, deliberately exaggerated the stories of pogroms in Poland ?
The BILL OF RIGHTS adopted at the American-Jewish Congress at Philadelphia on December 19, 1918, requested the Peace Conference to grant to the Jews in new or enlarged states to be created by the Conference, autonomous management of all Jewish communal institutions and insisted that such autonomy be a condition precedent to the creation of any such state. Poland being the largest and most important new state thus to be formed, it was natural that the Jews should center their efforts on establishing this principle there.

To quote from one of their own number, (Israel Cohen, in the WASHINGTON POST, May 30, 1919):

"MINORITY RIGHTS"
There is only one way in which the civil equality of the Jews can be preserved and that is by their being given the rights of a national minority. The Jews should be given autonomy as far as the administration of their religious, cultural, social and charitable affairs are concerned, but they should also be constituted a separate electoral college with the right to proportional representation in the Polish Parliament. And in order to establish a good working understanding between them and the government, it is advisable that there should be a ministry of Jewish affairs, the head of which should be responsible to a representative council of the organized Jewish communities."

The Polish protest against the published demands of the Jews was followed by a publicity campaign to create a sentiment hostile to Poland, principally in the United States, for use at the Peace Conference in support of the Jewish claims.

In the United States the propaganda adopted by the Jews took two forms: (1) Newspaper attacks, and (2) organized protest meetings, parades and similar demonstrations.

(1) A careful reading of the prominent articles concerning alleged atrocities against the Jews in Poland which began appearing simultaneously in the leading American papers about the middle of May, shows a striking similarity in form, in substance and in

[page 17 of doc. begins]

headlines, a similarity so striking as to have no other reasonable explanation than that of a thoroughly planned propaganda. Information has come to us at second-hand that Reuben Fink, Washington representative of the Zionists, supervised the dissemination of this newspaper material. Confidential despatches from Copenhagen describe a German inspired organization abroad to supply news of pogroms for publication in the American-Jewish press.

Many of the first stories published in May were based on a report of Israel Cohen published in the LONDON TIMES of February 14, 1919. For example, on May 28, 1919 the NEW YORK HERALD and the WASHINGTON POST ran front page accounts by Herman Bernstein of Cohen’s report, but the phrasing was such as to lead the readers to believe that they described Pogroms which were still going on, whereas, Cohen was actually reporting as to events in November, December and January when, as is well known, during the chaos attendant on the triangular struggle with the Germans’ retreating and attempting to turn the country over to the Bolsheviki, and the Poles asserting their National Independence against both groups, there were, of course, many Jews, Poles, Germans and Bolshevists killed. Moreover, Cohen only recited the killing of 161 people during the entire three months covered by his report.

Contrast with this the statement of Rabbi Tittlebaum (State Department I. B. 861.4016/245 [decipherment may not be accurate]) concerning the persecution of the Jews in Southern Russia, in which he tells of the killing and wounding of hundreds of thousands, 5000 being killed in the town of Proscorof alone. There has been little publicity about this in the United States, probably because it would defeat the purpose of the Zionist propaganda as showing that the outbreaks against the Jews in Poland were more restrained and accompanied by much less loss of life that those in other places where chaotic conditions prevailed, such as Southern Russia.

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A further illustration of the way false stories of atrocities were used is shown by the articles about Vilna. The Department received word in May that the Zionist Bureau at Berlin reported 200 Jews killed at Vilna. On June 8, 1919 the WASHINGTON POST, NEW YORK TIMES and others carried a story from Paris under a large headline saying: "1600 Jews killed at Vilna." From Gibson’s reports (telegram June 17, 1919), it appears that 64 Jews were shot and at least ten of them were admitted by the Jewish representatives to have been killed in the house-to-house fighting by which the Poles took the city from the Bolsheviki.

(2) In all the principal cities of the United States mass meetings were held, preceded by parades for which the Jewish workmen obtained a half holiday. The principal meeting was held at Madison Square Garden, New York on May 21, 1919 following a series of parades and other thoroughly organized demonstrations in which a large number of the Jews of the East Side participated. The most important addresses were made by Charles E. Hughes and Jacob Schiff. Mr. Hughes in defending himself against the charge by the Poles that he was playing politics, and had no facts upon which to base his protest, stated that "a careful investigation should speedily be had, but in the meantime the report which have come in - vouched for by such men as Judge Mack and Louis Marshall, men of recognized standing, ability and probity, - justify in my opinion, the most earnest protest."

In determining whether Mr. Hughes was warranted in accepting this ex parte statement, it should be noted that both Judge Mack and Mr. Marshall, as well as Jacob Schiff, are all members of the Executive Committee of the Jewish Kehillah in New York, which Committee has as its Chairman Rabbi Judah L. Magnus who, at one time, was very pro-German and is now an open and avowed advocate of Bolshevism both in Russia and in the United States. As to the Kehillah itself, while it is ostensibly interested solely in Jewish Community work, some question has been raised to its alleged pro-German and subsequent pro-

[page 19 of doc. begins]

Bolshevik tendencies. Furthermore, Mr. Marshall’s partner, Samuel Untermeyer, received considerable notoriety at the Senate hearing on German propaganda because of his pro-German activity. Mr. Untermeyer has now appeared as chief counsel for the Rand School and the American Socialist Society in defending their charter.

In the NEW YORK TIMES of May 24, 1919, Felix M. Warburg is quoted as saying:
"It is to be regretted that the protest meetings of the Jews against the Pogroms which have taken place, in the desire to prevent further ones, appear in the papers as an attempt by the Jews to prejudice Americans against the new Polish Government."
"Naturally the Jews are deeply interested in the welfare of their co-religionists, of whom about 5,000,000 are not living in the new Poland. What these protests mean is simply an earnest pleading that every possible step, official and unofficial, be taken by the new Polish Government to prevent outbreaks by an excited populace which, feeling its new strength and old prejudices may, if not held in check, break loose when not watched. That is all we hope for."

As a commentary on this interview the following extracts from an article entitled "PEACE WITHOUT HONOR” by G. K. Chesterton, appearing in THE NEW WITNESS, an English anti-Semitic paper, of April 18, 1919, page 494, seems in point:
"What concerns us in the crisis of Europe is the facts, and when we know we are dealing with the facts of hatred, we connot be confused or even delayed by the fiction of hypocrisy. ***** and the fact is not that the Jews wish well to the new State, but that the Jews are at this moment using all their keen intellectual activity and their deep racial loyalty, working all over the world at high pressure, to prevent the new Polish State coming into existance at all."

******** We know that if they lose their port (Danzig) it will not be by any act of English public opinion or any public opinion, but by the most secret of all secret diplomacy; that it will not even be given up by the English to the Germans, but by the Germans Jews to other German Jews."

As a further comment in the attitude of the Polish Jews themselves toward the new Polish State may be quoted the following from Colonel Mason’s report:
"Poland has recently put into effect a universal draft law, and the army is being mobilized under it. The men

[page 20 of doc. begins]

are collected at training stations and are receiving training under the general supervision of a French General, the actual instructors being Poles who have had military training or experience in either the German, Austrian or Russian armies. The army is very largely composed of Poles. Upon the passage of the draft law, 90% of the Jews of the country called for what is known as the blue ticket, which is an exemption certificate given to those who are aliens. Incidentally this has an important political bearing as being an official announcement by 90% of the Polish Jews that they consider themselves not Poles but Jews per se."

As a result of the publicity given these Jewish and German inspired anti-Polish protests, both in this country and abroad, the Poles were defeated and "The Combined Jewish Committees of the World” headed by Mr. Louis Marshall were able to secure (1) the special provisions set out in Articles 8 to 12, inclusive, of the Polish Treaty and, (2) the general acquiescence in these provisions on the part of the American Press. The American Poles, however, are more bitter than ever in their denouncement of these articles as undemocratic and un-American. Because of this attitude on their part it seems in point to analyze the articles in question.

Article 8 - provides that racial, religious and linguistic minorities shall have the right to establish, manage and control, at their own expense, charitable, religious and social institution and schools, with the right to use their own language and to exercise their own religion freely therein.

Article 9 - provides (Paragraph 1) that in public schools where there is a considerable proportion of Polish nationals of other than Polish speech the children shall be taught in their own language.

Article 9 - (Paragraph 2) Racial, religious and linguistic minorities shall be assured an equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the sums which may be provided out of public funds ***** foreducational, religious or charitable purposes. (This paragraph would appear to supercede in a large measure Article 8 above.)

PART 5 - THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY

Article 10 - Educational Committee appointed locally by Jewish communities will provide for distribution of proportional share of public funds allocated to Jewish schools in accordance with Article 9 and for organization and management of these schools. The provisions of Article 9 concerning the use of language in schools shall apply to these schools.

[page 21 of doc. begins]

Article 11 - provides that Jews shall not be compelled to violate their Sabbath and that no elections or registration shall be held on a Saturday.

Article 12 - provides that the foregoing provisions constitute obligations of international concern and shall he placed under the guarantee of the League of Nations, no change to be made without the consent of majority of council of League of Nations which will be binding on the United States and the leading Allies. Any member of the League Council can call attention of the Council to possible infraction, and Coucil may take jurisdiction of question.
Mr. Marshall in an interview of July 24, 1919 said: "The rights which have been secured have not been affected in favor of the Jews alone, but for all minorities." In this connection it is worthy of notice that Article 10 and 11 relate solely to the Jews.

In an earlier interview of June 30, 1919 (NEW YORK TIMES, July 1) Mr. Marshall said:
"Nothing thus far accomplished by the Peace Conference exceeds in importance the Polish Treaty. **** It is literally a charter of Liberty and the final act of emancipation of those who, for centuries, have been bereft of elemental human rights. ******* It enshrines in the law of nations the eternal principles of human liberty that constitute the distinctive features of the Ameican Constitution by means of which, despite the divergent racial elements of our population, we have become in fact as well as in spirit, a homogeneous, patriotic, just nation. We have long appreciated what at last is to enter into the consciousness of all people - that the true purpose of government cannot be realized until majorities look upon minorities as their equal before the law."

This statement is misleading because it gives the reader the idea that the rights granted the Jews in Poland are only those enjoyed by Jewish Americans whereas, quite the contrary is true. Another interesting point is that this interview bears the same date as the text of the Polish Treaty, namely, June 30, 1919, but the interview appeared July 1, 1919 in the NEW YORK TIMES, while the Treaty was withheld until the day following.

Premier Clemenceau as quoted in the NEW YORK TIMES of July 2d defended the provisions above set out saying:
"The following articles are of a rather different nature, in that they provide special privileges to certain groups of”

[page 22 of doc. begins]

these minorities: ****
"Six - Clauses 10 and 12 deal specifically with the Jewish citizens of Poland. The information at the disposal of the principal Allied and Associated Powers as to the existing relations between the Jews and the other Polish citizens has led them to the conclusion that in view of the historical development of the Jewish question and the great animosity aroused by it, special protection is necessary for the Jews of Poland. These clauses have been limited to the minimum which seems necessary under the circumstances of the present day, viz., the maintenance of Jewish schools and the protection of the Jews in the religious observance of their Sabbath.

It is believed that these stipulations will not create any obstacle to the political unity of Poland. They do not constitute any recognition of the Jews as a separate political community within the Polish State. The educational provisions contain nothing beyond what is in fact provided in the educational institutions of many highly organized modern states. There is nothing inconsistent with the sovereignty of the State in recognizing and supporting schools in which children shall be brought up in the religious influence to which they are accustomed in their home. Ample safeguards against any use of non-Polish language to encourage a spirit of national separation have been provided in the express acknowledgment that the provisions of this Treaty do not prevent the Polish State from making the Polish language obligatory in all its schools and educational institutions."
In an editorial in the NEW YORK TIMES of July 25, 1919 it is frankly admitted that the rights granted to the Jews in Poland would not be tolerated for a moment in this country and offers the weak excuse for differentiation that our immigrants came here voluntarily while the racial minorities in Eastern Europe have been there for thousands of years. This utterly misses the real point of the criticism, going to the ultimate justice of the rights granted.

Says the TIMES: - "Those in this country who have feared that our participation in this arrangement will make it easy for European nations to demand similar liberties for naturalized citizens in this country and thus make impossible any attempt at real Americanization are somewhat unduly alarmed. Most of the rights included in the term "cultural autonomy” are already possessed by everybody in America. Some of them are not: the provision for separate schools in which the mother tongue of the pupils is the language of instruction, though the language of the State must also be taught, and taught satisfactorily, would only perpetuate a condition which German immigrants have brought about in some parts of this country; but the further provision that such schools should receive part of the State funds would, of course, be inadmissible here - though we have heard in the last year or two of American public schools in which German is about the only language known to teachers and pupils. Such guarantees would also perpetuate the foreign language press.

[page 23 of doc. begins]

"But no racial group in America has any reason or right to claim privileges such as are provided in the Polish Treaty, since they are all recent immigrants who of their own choice came to a country which had its own institutions and used the English language. The racial minorities of Eastern Europe have dwelt alongside other people, intermingled beyond any hope of complete separation, for hundreds and sometimes thousands of years."

In further relation to Mr. Marshall the following additional facts are of interest:
(1) On June 7th the Department issued a statement giving a summary of Mr. Gibson’s reports to the effects that the stories as to pogroms were greatly exaggerated.

(2) On June 10th Mr. Marshall gave out in Paris a report from his personal representative in Poland in which it was stated:
8 "In its horror and system the acts recalled the worst epochs of the Middle Ages."

(3) This was followed on June 17th by a statement from Mr. Marshall making a bitter and vituperative attack on Mr. Gibson, charging that "Gibson’s report is necessarily based on the merest hearsay, parrot-like repetition of what has been told him in court circles." Many specific charges of cruelty were also set out including several which have since been reported by Mr. Gibson as unfounded.

This statement was played up in "THE JEWISH DAILY NEWS” (New York) of June 18th under the headlines "Mr. Gibson Indicted". The article stated:

"Mr. Louis Marshall, chairman of the Jewish Delegation in Paris, has not permitted the grass to grow beneath his feet. No sooner did Mr. Hugh Gibson, whose nomination as Ambassador to Poland is now before the Senate, report to the State Department that there were no pogroms in Poland that Mr. Marshall set to work to show that Mr. Gibson "has reported contrary to facts". Through Mr. Charles A. Selden, the Paris correspondent of the "NEW YORK TIMES”, Mr. Marshall issued a statement giving chapter and verse of the atrocities committed against the Jews in Poland by the Poles themselves. From the statement which appears on this page, it will be seen that the Poles admitted the pogroms, yet Mr. Gibson never heard of pogroms or knows anything of them. In other words his report is an attempt to whitewash the Poles." ***** In view of Mr. Marshall’s statement, and the attitude adopted by Mr. Gibson, we do not think the latter is the proper person to represent this country in Poland. His nomination is, as we have already said, now pending before the United States Senate. We have felt it our duty to protest against Mr. Gibson’s confirmation by the Senate and have sent the following telegram to Senator Calder, Wadsworth and Penrose:

[page 24 of doc. begins]

‘Louis Marshall’s indictment of Hugh Gibson, him deliberately reporting conditions in Poland contrary to facts, as printed in today’s ‘NEW YORK TIMES’, makes Mr. Gibson unfit to be American Ambassador to Poland. We appeal to you to block confirmation of his nomination.’

"We want to go on record that a man who in toto denies the wantom slaughter of human beings, of old men and women, of young girls and little children, is not the man to whom should be entrusted so important a post as the American Ambassadorship to Poland.
If the stories of the pogroms had been found to be untrue we would have accepted Mr. Gibson’s report, but when he bases his finding upon mere hearsay, we must dissent."

In relation to the deliberate campaign to defeat Mr. Gibson’s confirmation, shown in the above quotation, added significance attaches to the confidential report to the Department from Secretary Lansing contained in telegram No. 2910 of June 26, 5 p.m. that "Judge Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter in conversation with Gibson yesterday, intimated that confirmation of his appointment by the Senate might be jeopardized by the nature of his reports which they stated had done great harm to the Jewish race."

(6) On June 19, 1919 the American Mission stated in a telegram to the Department that Marshall and Cyrus Adler advised Ambassador Morganthau to decline to serve on the President’s commission to investigate pogroms against Jews and Jewish persecutions "urging that no Jew be appointed". The telegram continued: "Mr. Morganthau is in doubt and requests that you promptly ascertain the opinion of Schiff, Elkus, Nathan Strauss, Wise, Rosenwald and Samuel Lachman as to his acceptance."

On June 23, 1919 the Department sent duplicate telegrams to Louis Marshall at Paris and Felix Frankfurter in London conveying the following message from Judge Mack:
"All parties consulted advised Morganthau to decline appointment. Schiff, Elkus, Mack, Rosenwald, Wise, Nathan Strauss in wire to President are suggesting postponement until his return of commission and legal and technical advisors, but if inadvisable suggesting he consult Marshall and Frankfurter before acting. We have been allowed to see all of Gibson’s despatches. Statement commented on by Marshall erroneously attributed to Gibson, who is shortly due in Paris. Have requested that Gibson’s report be shown to Marshall. After seeing them and Gibson, advise strongly additional statement by Marshall. Mack."
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It seems quite possible that these Jewish leaders realized that an honest report would destroy the ammunition for their anti-Polish propaganda and show up more strikingly the utter unfairness of the attack on Mr. Gibson’s confirmation.

PART 6 - of THE POWER AND AIMS OF INTERNATIONAL JEWRY
... (7) On July 24 Mr. Marshall stated that:
"The horror of the Pogroms in Poland and Ukrainia will ‘stagger the world’ when the truth becomes known. Tens of thousands of Jews have been killed. The pogroms were not so much the result of an organized movement as they were the outgrowth of unsettled anarchistic tendencies in the countries where they occurred. They found expression in attacks of Jews."
Heretofore he has never mentioned the Ukraine in his interviews, except very casually.
On August 1, 1919 Mr. Marshall made public the following telegram dated July 30, 1919 from Leo Motkin, Secretary of the "Combined Jewish Committee of the World” at Paris:
"Zuckerman arrived and confirms former communications. He reports new and terrible Pogroms which occurred during June at Kaminets, Podolsk, Kitaigorod, Ourinine, et cetera. The latest news is certified by three Rabbis and by other Jewish representatives at Khotine. I know these men who are from the Ukraine. They state that altogether 120,000 have been killed. In Proskurof alone 3,964 inhabitants and numerous passing people have been killed and 2,000 wounded. Among the killed were 1500 school children. Ukrainian Judaism fears total extermination. It is impossible to check the exact figures. In all of the pogroms undoubtedly dozens of thousands have been massacred."
The Department has in its files a despatch (heretofore referred to on Page 17) dated April 2, 1919 from the American Commissioner at Constantinople quoting Rabbi Tittlebaum in which he statedhundreds of thousand of Jews had been killed and wounded in the Ukraine and that 5000 were killed in Proscorog alone. This information undoubtedly came to Mr. Marshall in April. Why then, has the story remained unpublished all these months ? It is asserted by the Poles to be because such a publication would have weakened, if not utterly destroyed the case which they claim the Jews were so laborously building up in support of their minority rights in Poland.
[page 26 of doc. begins]
On August 2, 1919 the day following the publication of the above telegram, the Ukrainian National Committee in New York issued a statement in part as follows:
"There are not and have not been pogroms in Ukraine outside the zone of Bolshevism. While unfortunately it probably is true that there have been many innocent victims of lawless bands in Ukraine, just as there have been Jewish victims of the Polish soldiery in Galicia, the killings are the work of the Bolsheviki and the Bolsheviki alone." ******
"The Ukrainian People’s Republic has granted autonomy to all national minorities, including the Jews. Special privileges have been granted the Jews and members of the race are not only members of theGeneral Rada but are included in the ministry. The Ukrainian paper money even bears inscriptions in Jewish characters. It is significant fact that the Ukrainian Jews have never raised a single protest against Petlura’s government, but have always supported it heartily."
"Petlura, of course, has not been able to prevent pogroms in the portion of Russian Ukraine controlled by the Bolsheviki or the part of Galician Ukraine overrun by the Polish imperialists. He is making progress in both sections, however, and when he has restored the entire Ukrainian territory to the Ukrainians there will be no massacres in Ukraine."
Whether the cooperation between the Jews and the Ukrainians here shown is born simply of their mutual hatred of the Poles, or whether in addition the Ukrainians are receiving financial support from the Jews, it is in any case particularly interesting just now when the Department is being flooded with anti-Polish protests from the Ukrainians and Lithuanians in this country and in Canada.
At least one group of the Ukrainians, were openly pro-German and pro-Austrian during the war and there is evidence that in this connection it should be recalled that the Ukrainian separatist movement was started by Austria.
As to the Lithuanians and their relations with the Jews here in America may be cited the full page ad which appeared in the NEW YORK TIMES, NEW YORK WORLD, CHICAGO TRIBUNE, BOSTON POST and WASHINGTON POST on June 3 and 4, 1919, protesting against "Polish
[page 27 of doc. begins]
Imperialism and Jewish Massacres". In this ad appears a letter from the Lithuanian National Council to the Secretary of the American Committee for the Defence of the Jews in Poland, which contains the following:
"Your cause is our cause as well. The cause of all oppressed people the world over strikes a responsive chord in our hearts, but you have in common with us the additional fact that your oppressors are also our oppressors."
"Using Bolshevism as a pretext, Poland has invaded, and is now occupying, large parts of Lithuania. Its troops are there indulging in atrocities so horrible that the entire liberal opinion of the world stands aghast and raises the query once more whether Poland can really be trusted with the powers of self-government."
[page 28 of doc. begins]
(c) How serious is the nation-wide boycott against all Jews and Jewish goods recently started by the Americans of Polish descent and their Slavic sympathizers ?
The Foreign Language Bureau of the Government Loan Organization of the United States Treasury in a report of June 4, 1919 states:
"The demonstrations of May 21st, participated in by the Jewish people all through the United States in the form of a public protest against the persecution of the Jews in Poland, has produced on the part of the Polish population in the U. S. A. (nearly 4,000,000) a well managed, quietly conducted commercial and financial boycott of all Jewish merchants and vendors.
Both sides of the controversy have had ample public hearing in the Press of the U. S. A. The Poles privately maintain that the Jews are disappointed in the development of Poland into a free and independent Nation as the ambition of Jewish leaders for many generations has been to make of Poland a Jewish economic state commanding the commercial and financial channels of Eastern Europe, under a German protectorate.
Be that as it may, the Polish resentment of the Jewish propaganda against them is deep and bitter and their spirit of retaliation in this country proceeds against the Jewish pocketbook. The boycott is now well advanced all through this country and is active in every channel of trade, extending even to places of amusement.
From another source comes the information that other racial groups, namely, Russians, Ukrainians, Roumanians, Lithuanians, Czecho-Slovaks, Jugo-Slavs, Findlanders, Letts, all of Slavic origin will join in this Jewish boycott. Operations for management of same are now under way."
The Department has received a number of telegrams from the American-Polish organizations calling attention to the danger of racial conflicts here and "condemning the insincere tactics of the Jewish imperialists". (See particularly telegram from mass meeting of 15,000 in Boston June 8, 1919 representing 200,000 Polish-Americans in Massachusetts, and telegram of June 15, 1919 from mass meeting at Newark, N.J.) This last telegram also charges that Jewish employers in America have discharged Polish workers and Jewish landlords have evicted Polish tenants.
If such oppression is practiced on any large scale by the American Jews it will inevitably strengthen the boycott movement among the American Slavs and continue to fan the flame of mutual hatred between the two nationalities.
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